The Classical Freedom loving Left vs the Regressive Leftists

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Yet there is a clear difference between a "bombing mission" that is targeting a military (or industrial) target and a "bombing mission" that is specifically targeting civilians.

I'm not sure there is, if both will certainly bring military advantage and cause civilian casualties. Of course, there's a ratio and order of magnitude to consider, but we're dealing in degrees of awful rather than in good and evil. The reason we have professional soldiers is to make the best of a bad thing, but that's different from saying that bombing factories from aircraft is good and bombing them with an explosive vest is evil.
 
I'm not sure there is, if both will certainly bring military advantage and cause civilian casualties. Of course, there's a ratio and order of magnitude to consider, but we're dealing in degrees of awful rather than in good and evil.
"I am not sure whether they are different, but of course they are different."

I think dividing into good and evil is a rather useless thing to do in real life, but obviously if we do then both things are on the "evil" side of things. Yet, both are still fundamentally different, one is causing collateral damage while achieving a military goal that, in theory (or "in a black and white world"), works towards ending the conflict, while the other one is actively targeting civilian targets for the sake of killing civilian targets.

It's "accepting the killing of civilians to achieve a goal" vs. "specifically targeting civilians to achieve the goal".
 
I'm not sure there's much difference between the two, at least from the point of view of the infantry and the dead.
 
Well, you not being sure doesn't mean much though. I'm open to the possibility that I'm lacking information, so you have any evidence that shows that bombing military and industrial targets does not actually reduce the military and industrial capacities of a war faction and instead just kills civilians?
 
First of all, I don't think "universities" are trying to restrict anything. I think small groups of students on those universities are trying to restrict things, and because they're yelling very loudly, some of the universities' leadership are mistaking them for being the majority voice. The people ultimately running the universities probably wish none of this ever happened, they were quietly making money hand over fist before all of this started and I'm sure they'd love to go back to that situation.

You don't understand the argument.

The argument from the opposition was that it would violate freedom of speech to place official restrictions on costumes. This is an absurd argument.

The students hadn't even called for official restrictions, yet Yale officials chose to comment on perceived attempts to limit freedom of expression. This insinuation was a strawman and an insult, which riled up the students.

Additionally, even if the students had called for official restrictions, it still wouldn't have violated any law or principle of expression. Yale is a private institution and has all the rights, moral and legal, to limit disruptive behavior.

The students, whose families in many cases pay massive tuitions (a year in Yale costs 68K) and who inhabit the campus on a long term basis, are using their appropriate and accepted rights to protest for a better studying environment, free of demeaning nonsense. These weren't small groups by any stretch of the imagination, but their views probably reflected broadly accepted views on campus. Even the residential master agreed with the objections of the protesters, but chose to straw-man them as being repressive toward free expression.

Secondly, I'm not rising to the "Governments restrict harmful discrimination because... it's harmful" bait. That's an attempt to change the topic, this thread has nothing to do with that. I only used it as an example of how I believe that private property should be private while defending myself against false accusations of having said things I didn't say, it was not intended to turn into a thread derailing tangent so I'm not gonna do it.

No, you said that companies should be allowed to discriminate on the basis of race and gender. I'd say that's obviously harmful and doesn't need to be tolerated due to any liberal principle or law. Private companies are still bound by the laws that define their rights to begin with.

The problem is that law doesn't agree with you: Yale, and others, are allowed to place limits on things like costumes and what views are platformed. The law enables them.

The people that were looking forward to seeing his talk didn't get to see it, that's a tangible loss for them. I suppose they simply don't count as people? Or could it be that you are so confident that you're in the right that you don't actually believe anyone did want to see him despite his popularity?

No, it's not. His garbage is found all over the web and he is given plenty of platforms elsewhere.

Agreed? But I'm also not sure what this has to do with anything that I said anywhere in this thread.

Because the Yale activists concerns are often grouped together with serious attempts to limit academic freedoms.

Being subsidized may not make you an official part of the government, but if my tax dollars, that I cannot opt out of paying without being thrown in a cage, are being used to support these organizations, then I have a reasonable expectation that my constitutional rights will apply while I am there and every right and reason to complain when they do not.

No you don't. You are not asking for reasonable rights, you are asking for powers vastly beyond your just rights as a citizen.

This is exactly why I'm calling you an actual totalitarian.

You are a voting citizen in a democratic republic. You have exactly the amount of power that your citizen peers have; one vote.

You do not have divine property rights: the state may tax you because the state defines and enforces your property rights through democratically authored property laws. Therefore this "may throw me in a cage unless I pay" argument is nonsense and doesn't grant you any say in law-making beyond your single vote and your right to run for office. Of course the state may throw you in a cage, but this is how laws are always enforced, otherwise laws wouldn't really exist, would they?

The state chooses not to demand anything from universities beyond the specific conditions attached to the subsidy because the state wants to preserve pluralism. You wish destroy this pluralism by forcing them to platform views they find reprehensible. This is why i'm calling your views actual totalitarianism, because totalitarianism, at it's heart, is the destruction political pluralism. Gamergate and their racist far-right wing fellow travelers, want their nonsense to pollute every platform and institution, because since they have no lives, they have the time to spout their nonsense everywhere at the same time, thus driving out sensible discourse.

It's similar to climate change deniers. They are stupid and wrong, but they are wildly over-represented in our discourse because any reasonable limits on platforming them is immediately shouted down as "anti-free speech".

Like the ones abusing the court system and ruining a man's life for 3 years with a case that basically boiled down to "he was mean to us".

He published vicious tweets. The lawsuit didn't win, but I don't see how its frivolous or abusive of the system.

Didn't he also make a newgrounds game where Sarkeesian -- a real person -- is violently abused?

I don't quite mind if the lawsuit had won. I don't think internet abuse is speech worth preserving. All the same laws and expectations should apply to the things you say on the web.

Like the ones knowingly lying through their teeth to accuse innocent people of horrendous crimes and drag their name through the mud and suffering no consequences when it's found that they lied.

The case was complicated and deteriorated under further investigation. Some louts were behaving like louts do, but the DNA evidence didn't confirm the persecutions case.

I don't see anything especially dishonest about the case. It happens.

Like the ones trying to block members of the press from covering events held in a public space that they have every right to cover.

I don't see anything to get worked up over. If this is your evidence of the "regressive left" undoing something, it's pretty damn weak.

Like the ones making demands that must be fulfilled or there will be vague, never quite elucidated "consequences".

The same goes for this. Stop being so paranoid.

This entire last paragraph of yours makes me wonder where you got the bubble you're living in, it seems really comfortable in there and I'd love to look into getting one for myself. Any objective look around at what is happening in these cultural clashes would reveal that the so-called liberals to which you have allied yourself are the bullies these days. They are the ones using threats to get their way. They are the ones abusing the legal system by making accusations that are spurious at best and outright knowing lies at worst. They are the ones calling for "separate but equal" racially segregated spaces.

I'm just not that paranoid about it. All your examples are extremely weak and do not strike me as indicative of any worrisome "regression".


Then, to cap it all off, when challenged on any of it, those who are self aware enough to be somewhat embarrassed about it deep down just refuse to engage while those who are without shame will unironically tell you that it's okay when they do those things because they're on "the right side of history". Those who lie are excused because "they were just trying to start a conversation". Those who bully are excused because "there are no bad tactics, only bad targets". Those who threaten are excused because "they're an oppressed class so they're punching up". No. Liars are liars. Bullies are bullies. Threats are threats. This "one rule for thee, a different rule for me" nonsense cannot be excused by anyone who wants to continue to stand for liberal values of equality and freedom.

This is just delusional.
 
/edit: Ah, nvmd, I'll skip this part of the discussion.
 
Well, you not being sure doesn't mean much though. I'm open to the possibility that I'm lacking information, so you have any evidence that shows that bombing military and industrial targets does not actually reduce the military and industrial capacities of a war faction and instead just kills civilians?

That's not really the point, though, because we don't usually say that suicide bombing is acceptable if it reduces the military or industrial capacities of a legitimate enemy - particularly as the whole point of it is to intimidate an enemy government, or the people who vote for them, into deciding that the war isn't worth the cost and to stop fighting. The point is that both suicide bombing and conventional air bombing campaigns simultaneously weaken a military enemy and kill civilians. There aren't many people who consider suicide bombing a legitimate weapon of war, even if it only kills military personnel, but are quite prepared to extend that status to air bombing where the vast majority of casualties are civilian and the military rationale questionable.
 
Flying Pig said:
The point is that both suicide bombing and conventional air bombing campaigns simultaneously weaken a military enemy and kill civilians.

Pig, you are only looking at the effects. What your comparison ignores are the intentions behind the actions. Intentions are of huge importance, because they tell us what kind of people we are dealing with. In court, a suspect's intentions are all that matters. If he killed someone, yet it was by accident, he might get acquitted or only face a small punishment. If his intention was to steal someone's money and he killed him in the process, the punishment will be more severe. If he intentionally murdered his victim, he may face a life-long prison sentence.

That is why people or governments who intentionally murder civilians are regarded very differently than people or governments who don't intend to murder civilians, yet in war situations must sometimes take into account that there will be collateral damage.

Sam Harris made the "perfect weapon analogy" in The End of Faith. He makes the point that if we had access to perfect weapons which only kill the targets we intend to, people like George Bush would use this weapon very differently than people like Osama bin Laden. You can read the full argument here:

Spoiler :
The End Of Faith: Religion, Terror And The Future Of Reason [London: Simon & Schuster UK Ltd, 2006] pp. 142 – 147:

Perfect Weapons and the Ethics of “Collateral Damage”

What we euphemistically describe as “collateral damage” in times of war is the direct result of limitations in the power and precision of our technology. To see that this is so, we need only imagine how any of our recent conflicts would have looked if we had possessed perfect weapons – weapons that allowed us either to temporarily impair or to kill a particular person, or group, at any distance, without harming others or their property. What would we do with such technology? Pacifists would refuse to use it, despite the variety of monsters currently loose in the world: the killers and torturers of children, the genocidal sadists, the men who, for want of the right genes, the right upbringing, or the right ideas, cannot possibly be expected to live peacefully with the rest of us. I will say a few things about pacifism in a later chapter – for it seems to me to be a deeply immoral position that comes to us swaddled in the dogma of highest moralism – but most of us are not pacifists. Most of us would elect to use weapons of this sort. A moment’s thought reveals that a person’s use of such a weapon would offer a perfect window onto the soul of his ethics.

Consider the all too facile comparisons that have recently been made between George Bush and Saddam Hussein (or Osama bin Laden, or Hitler, etc.) – in the pages of writers like [Arundhati] Roy and [Noam] Chomsky, in the Arab press, and in classrooms throughout the free world. How would George Bush have prosecuted the recent war in Iraq with perfect weapons? Would he have targeted the thousands of Iraqi civilians who were maimed or killed by our bombs? Would he have put out the eyes of little girls or torn the arms from their mothers? Whether or not you admire the man’s politics – or the man – there is no reason to think that he would have sanctioned the injury or death of even a single innocent person. What would Saddam Hussein or Osama bin Laden do with perfect weapons? What would Hitler have done? They would have used them rather differently.

It is time for us to admit that not all cultures are at the same stage of moral development. . .

Consider the horrors that Americans perpetrated as recently as 1968 [during the Vietnam War], at My Lai: . . .

(…)

This is about as bad as human beings are capable of behaving. But what distinguishes us from many of our enemies is that this indiscriminate violence appalls us. The massacre at My Lai is remembered as a signature moment of shame for the American military. Even at the time, US soldiers were dumbstruck with horror by the behaviour of their comrades. One helicopter pilot who arrived on the scene ordered his subordinates to use their machine guns against their own troops if they did not stop killing villagers. As a culture we have clearly outgrown our tolerance for the deliberate torture and murder of innocents. We would do well to realize that much of the world has not.

(…)

Any systematic approach to ethics, or to understanding the necessary underpinnings of a civil society, will find many Muslims are standing eye deep in the red barbarity of the fourteenth century. There are undoubtedly historical and cultural reasons for this, and enough blame to go around, but we should not ignore the fact that we must now confront whole societies whose moral and political development – in their treatment of women and children, in their prosecution of war, in their approach to criminal justice, and in their very intuitions about what constitutes cruelty – lags behind our own. This may seem like an unscientific and potentially racist thing to say, but it is neither. It is not in the least racist, since it is not at likely that there are biological reasons for the disparities here, and it is unscientific only because science has not yet addressed the moral sphere in a systematic way. Come back in a hundred years, and if we haven’t returned to living in caves and killing each other with clubs, we will have some scientifically astute things to say about ethics. Any honest witness to current events will realize that there is no moral equivalence between the kind of force civilized democracies project in the world, warts and all, and the internecine violence that is perpetrated by Muslim militants, or indeed by Muslim governments. Chomsky seems to think that the disparity either does not exist or runs the other way.

Consider the recent conflict in Iraq: If the situation had been reversed, what are the chances that the Iraqi Republican Guard, attempting to execute a regime change on the Potomac, would have taken the same degree of care to minimize civilian casualties? What are the chances that Iraqi forces would have been deterred by our use of human shields? (What are the chances we would have used human shields?) What are the chances that a routed American government would have called for its citizens to volunteer to be suicide bombers? What are the chances that Iraqi soldiers would have wept upon killing a carload of American civilians at a checkpoint unnecessarily? You should have, in the ledger of your imagination, a mounting column of zeros.

Nothing in Chomsky’s account acknowledges the difference between intending to kill a child, because of the effect you hope to produce on its parents (we call this “terrorism”), and inadvertently killing a child in an attempt to capture or kill an avowed child murderer (we call this “collateral damage”). In both cases a child has died, and in both cases it is a tragedy. But the ethical status of the perpetrators, be they individuals or states, could hardly be more distinct. Chomsky might object that to knowingly place the life of a child in jeopardy is unacceptable in any case, but clearly this is not a principle we can follow. The makers of roller coasters know, for instance, that despite rigorous safety precautions, sometime, somewhere, a child will be killed by one of their contraptions. Makers of automobiles know this as well. So do makers of hockey sticks, baseball bats, plastic bags, swimming pools, chain-link fences, or nearly anything else that could conceivably contribute to the death of a child. There is a reason we do not refer to the inevitable deaths of children on our ski slopes as “skiing atrocities.” But you would not know this from reading Chomsky. For him, intentions do not seem to matter. Body count is all.

We are now living in a world that can no longer tolerate well-armed, malevolent regimes. Without perfect weapons, collateral damage – the maiming and killing of innocent people – is unavoidable. Similar suffering will be imposed on still more innocent people because of our lack of perfect automobiles, airplanes, antibiotics, surgical procedures, and window glass. If we want to draw conclusions about ethics – as well as make predictions about what a given person or society will do in the future – we cannot ignore human intentions. Where ethics are concerned, intentions are everything.
 
You don't understand the argument.

The argument from the opposition was that it would violate freedom of speech to place official restrictions on costumes. This is an absurd argument.

The students hadn't even called for official restrictions, yet Yale officials chose to comment on perceived attempts to limit freedom of expression. This insinuation was a strawman and an insult, which riled up the students.

I'm not sure why you're harping on about the costume thing so much, you appear to be arguing with the air now because I never said a single thing about the Halloween costume situation. I don't know enough about that particular situation to have an opinion on it, I'm honestly not sure who you think you're arguing with here.

Additionally, even if the students had called for official restrictions, it still wouldn't have violated any law or principle of expression. Yale is a private institution and has all the rights, moral and legal, to limit disruptive behavior.

Fair enough, you believe that, I don't, let's carry on and see if we perhaps need to return to this at a later time (spoiler: we're going to).

The students, whose families in many cases pay massive tuitions (a year in Yale costs 68K) and who inhabit the campus on a long term basis, are using their appropriate and accepted rights to protest for a better studying environment, free of demeaning nonsense. These weren't small groups by any stretch of the imagination, but their views probably reflected broadly accepted views on campus. Even the residential master agreed with the objections of the protesters, but chose to straw-man them as being repressive toward free expression.

Aside from the fact that "a better studying environment" and "demeaning nonsense" are both 100% subjective ideas that every single student in the school probably has a different definition of, your entire premise here rests on the assumption that the people in question represented the majority of the school. You have absolutely no grounds for simply asserting that that assumption is true.

No, you said that companies should be allowed to discriminate on the basis of race and gender. I'd say that's obviously harmful and doesn't need to be tolerated due to any liberal principle or law. Private companies are still bound by the laws that define their rights to begin with.

The problem is that law doesn't agree with you: Yale, and others, are allowed to place limits on things like costumes and what views are platformed. The law enables them.

So, we return to the above point. You had previously stated:

"Yale is a private institution and has all the rights, moral and legal, to limit disruptive behavior."

But this new paragraph appears to change your argument. Now you're saying that private institutions only have the right to "limit disruptive behavior" if the behavior in question is something YOU find disruptive. Since there is no objective standard by which to measure "disruptiveness", you can't possibly say that one institution can limit speech or behaviors because they find it disruptive but another institution cannot limit, say, Hispanics or women or homosexuals if they find them to be disruptive. That's a double standard. We might rightly call the people in the second instance racists, or sexists, or homophobes, and refuse to frequent their businesses in the hope that they will lose enough revenue to change their policy, but unless we have an objective measure to determine what is "disruptive", which we don't, then their interpretation of that word is just as valid as yours, or mine, or the president of Yale's.

No, it's not. His garbage is found all over the web and he is given plenty of platforms elsewhere.

Great, so this applies to every speaker ever right? It's cool if a college bans Noam Chomsky from speaking there, right, because his "garbage" is found all over the web and he is given plenty of platforms elsewhere, so the students who wanted to see him aren't actually missing out on anything, right?

Just so we're clear, you would have no problem with applying this same standard to everyone else, right?

Because the Yale activists concerns are often grouped together with serious attempts to limit academic freedoms.

This is exactly why I'm calling you an actual totalitarian.

You are a voting citizen in a democratic republic. You have exactly the amount of power that your citizen peers have; one vote.

You do not have divine property rights: the state may tax you because the state defines and enforces your property rights through democratically authored property laws. Therefore this "may throw me in a cage unless I pay" argument is nonsense and doesn't grant you any say in law-making beyond your single vote and your right to run for office. Of course the state may throw you in a cage, but this is how laws are always enforced, otherwise laws wouldn't really exist, would they?

The state chooses not to demand anything from universities beyond the specific conditions attached to the subsidy because the state wants to preserve pluralism. You wish destroy this pluralism by forcing them to platform views they find reprehensible. This is why i'm calling your views actual totalitarianism, because totalitarianism, at it's heart, is the destruction political pluralism. Gamergate and their racist far-right wing fellow travelers, want their nonsense to pollute every platform and institution, because since they have no lives, they have the time to spout their nonsense everywhere at the same time, thus driving out sensible discourse.

It's similar to climate change deniers. They are stupid and wrong, but they are wildly over-represented in our discourse because any reasonable limits on platforming them is immediately shouted down as "anti-free speech".

Let's see if we can dissect this rant.

First, I'm not sure you know what the word totalitarian means. What I am arguing for is the exact opposite of totalitarianism. What I am arguing for is that people should be allowed to say whatever they want and do whatever they want as long as they are not harming anyone else (the non-aggression principle). Totalitarianism by definition requires state power to enforce one set of ideals on everyone, and I want the state to be as small as humanly possible and hopefully the only ideal they should be enforcing is the non-aggression principle.

I am a citizen in a democratic republic and have one vote just like everyone else. We are agreed there. However, I also have one other power: I can talk about my principles and ideas to try to convince others that I'm right, or to convince people that other ideas are wrong. This apparently is the behavior that you are referring to as totalitarian, since at no time have I advocated for anything like state force to be used to enforce anything I say.

You say that I do not have "divine property rights". I mean, as an atheist I have to technically agree since nothing is divine. But more seriously, I DO believe that property rights are a fundamental natural right. In our current governmental environment, they are heavily compromised, that's true, and is one of the reasons I don't like the state. But in this thread I am talking about how things should be, not how they necessarily are. The government CAN legally seize property from people at any time and for almost any reason. That does not make those actions moral. You say that the state defines property laws. I disagree. Property laws being granted "divinely" or "naturally" or however one chooses to look at it is 100% required if we wish to make any definitive statements about ethics and morality. If property rights are defined by the state only, then in a state where theft is not illegal, theft would also not be immoral, which is nonsense. Theft is immoral wherever you are and regardless of what the state says about it, since it is a violation of the non-aggression principle.

He published vicious tweets. The lawsuit didn't win, but I don't see how its frivolous or abusive of the system.

Didn't he also make a newgrounds game where Sarkeesian -- a real person -- is violently abused?

I don't quite mind if the lawsuit had won. I don't think internet abuse is speech worth preserving. All the same laws and expectations should apply to the things you say on the web.

First of all, I've read the tweets, and no, they were not vicious and abusive, they basically amounted to "I think what you're doing is not very nice".

Second, obviously you aren't that familiar with the case, because Gregory Elliott did NOT make the game in question. The game was made by a completely different guy named Ben Spurr. Gregory Elliott was dragged into court when he witnessed the plaintiffs making plans to try to ruin Ben Spurr's life and called them on it, saying essentially "if you engage in this behavior, it puts you on his level and makes you just like him". That's it. This is the harassing that they dragged out a court case for 3 years over, him telling them that they probably shouldn't try to ruin a dude's life. What a monster, it sure is too bad the case wasn't successful, am I right?

Third, I find high ironic comedy in the fact that you literally JUST got done calling me a totalitarian and then in the very next breath say that you would have liked it if a case that was trying to use state force to compel speech restrictions on the Internet would have succeeded. You realize that using state force to compel people to bend to one ideology is the literal definition of totalitarianism, right?

The case was complicated and deteriorated under further investigation. Some louts were behaving like louts do, but the DNA evidence didn't confirm the persecutions case.

I don't see anything especially dishonest about the case. It happens.

You don't see anything dishonest about a person lying... not being mistaken, straight up LYING, about getting raped at a party, when it has been shown that not only was she nowhere near the area at the time, but that there was in fact not even a party? Saying you were at the party at 10 PM when you weren't there until 11 PM is being mistaken. Saying you were there when you weren't there at all and there wasn't even any "there" there is not an honest mistake, it is a deliberate lie. If that's not dishonest then I'd love to know what actually does qualify as dishonesty in your book.

I don't see anything to get worked up over. If this is your evidence of the "regressive left" undoing something, it's pretty damn weak.

That's not an argument, tell me why you see this as being okay and we can maybe have a discussion about it, simply saying it's "pretty damn weak" tells me that you have nothing valid to say about it.

The same goes for this. Stop being so paranoid.

I'm just not that paranoid about it. All your examples are extremely weak and do not strike me as indicative of any worrisome "regression".

People in Ferguson will never riot and set fire to buildings, stop being so paranoid! There's absolutely no history whatsoever that might lead us to believe that human beings can escalate situations when they don't get there way! Human history is just a non-stop parade of peaceful understanding and cooperation and compromise!

Being worried that people who see themselves as being on the "right side of history" might go to extreme lengths to achieve their goals is not paranoia, it's a historically grounds extrapolation of how these things sometimes go.


This is just delusional.

Ohhhhhhh. How foolish of me. The conversations I've had about this (some of them on this very forum), all of the articles and Youtube videos I've consumed on the subject, and the hundreds or thousands of tweets I've read that said exactly these things were all in my imagination, how could I have not known!

I was not being hyperbolic. All of the things I put in quotes are actual justifications for bad behavior that I have seen used over and over again. I'm delusional? You're trying to tell me that the emperor is wearing clothes when he isn't! I have seen the emperor with my own eyes and he's naked.
 
Pig, you are only looking at the effects. What your comparison ignores are the intentions behind the actions. Intentions are of huge importance, because they tell us what kind of people we are dealing with. In court, a suspect's intentions are all that matters. If he killed someone, yet it was by accident, he might get acquitted or only face a small punishment. If his intention was to steal someone's money and he killed him in the process, the punishment will be more severe. If he intentionally murdered his victim, he may face a life-long prison sentence.

That is why people or governments who intentionally murder civilians are regarded very differently than people or governments who don't intend to murder civilians, yet in war situations must sometimes take into account that there will be collateral damage.

Sam Harris made the "perfect weapon analogy" in The End of Faith. He makes the point that if we had access to perfect weapons which only kill the targets we intend to, people like George Bush would use this weapon very differently than people like Osama bin Laden. You can read the full argument here:

Spoiler :
The End Of Faith: Religion, Terror And The Future Of Reason [London: Simon & Schuster UK Ltd, 2006] pp. 142 – 147:

Perfect Weapons and the Ethics of “Collateral Damage”

What we euphemistically describe as “collateral damage” in times of war is the direct result of limitations in the power and precision of our technology. To see that this is so, we need only imagine how any of our recent conflicts would have looked if we had possessed perfect weapons – weapons that allowed us either to temporarily impair or to kill a particular person, or group, at any distance, without harming others or their property. What would we do with such technology? Pacifists would refuse to use it, despite the variety of monsters currently loose in the world: the killers and torturers of children, the genocidal sadists, the men who, for want of the right genes, the right upbringing, or the right ideas, cannot possibly be expected to live peacefully with the rest of us. I will say a few things about pacifism in a later chapter – for it seems to me to be a deeply immoral position that comes to us swaddled in the dogma of highest moralism – but most of us are not pacifists. Most of us would elect to use weapons of this sort. A moment’s thought reveals that a person’s use of such a weapon would offer a perfect window onto the soul of his ethics.

Consider the all too facile comparisons that have recently been made between George Bush and Saddam Hussein (or Osama bin Laden, or Hitler, etc.) – in the pages of writers like [Arundhati] Roy and [Noam] Chomsky, in the Arab press, and in classrooms throughout the free world. How would George Bush have prosecuted the recent war in Iraq with perfect weapons? Would he have targeted the thousands of Iraqi civilians who were maimed or killed by our bombs? Would he have put out the eyes of little girls or torn the arms from their mothers? Whether or not you admire the man’s politics – or the man – there is no reason to think that he would have sanctioned the injury or death of even a single innocent person. What would Saddam Hussein or Osama bin Laden do with perfect weapons? What would Hitler have done? They would have used them rather differently.

It is time for us to admit that not all cultures are at the same stage of moral development. . .

Consider the horrors that Americans perpetrated as recently as 1968 [during the Vietnam War], at My Lai: . . .

(…)

This is about as bad as human beings are capable of behaving. But what distinguishes us from many of our enemies is that this indiscriminate violence appalls us. The massacre at My Lai is remembered as a signature moment of shame for the American military. Even at the time, US soldiers were dumbstruck with horror by the behaviour of their comrades. One helicopter pilot who arrived on the scene ordered his subordinates to use their machine guns against their own troops if they did not stop killing villagers. As a culture we have clearly outgrown our tolerance for the deliberate torture and murder of innocents. We would do well to realize that much of the world has not.

(…)

Any systematic approach to ethics, or to understanding the necessary underpinnings of a civil society, will find many Muslims are standing eye deep in the red barbarity of the fourteenth century. There are undoubtedly historical and cultural reasons for this, and enough blame to go around, but we should not ignore the fact that we must now confront whole societies whose moral and political development – in their treatment of women and children, in their prosecution of war, in their approach to criminal justice, and in their very intuitions about what constitutes cruelty – lags behind our own. This may seem like an unscientific and potentially racist thing to say, but it is neither. It is not in the least racist, since it is not at likely that there are biological reasons for the disparities here, and it is unscientific only because science has not yet addressed the moral sphere in a systematic way. Come back in a hundred years, and if we haven’t returned to living in caves and killing each other with clubs, we will have some scientifically astute things to say about ethics. Any honest witness to current events will realize that there is no moral equivalence between the kind of force civilized democracies project in the world, warts and all, and the internecine violence that is perpetrated by Muslim militants, or indeed by Muslim governments. Chomsky seems to think that the disparity either does not exist or runs the other way.

Consider the recent conflict in Iraq: If the situation had been reversed, what are the chances that the Iraqi Republican Guard, attempting to execute a regime change on the Potomac, would have taken the same degree of care to minimize civilian casualties? What are the chances that Iraqi forces would have been deterred by our use of human shields? (What are the chances we would have used human shields?) What are the chances that a routed American government would have called for its citizens to volunteer to be suicide bombers? What are the chances that Iraqi soldiers would have wept upon killing a carload of American civilians at a checkpoint unnecessarily? You should have, in the ledger of your imagination, a mounting column of zeros.

Nothing in Chomsky’s account acknowledges the difference between intending to kill a child, because of the effect you hope to produce on its parents (we call this “terrorism”), and inadvertently killing a child in an attempt to capture or kill an avowed child murderer (we call this “collateral damage”). In both cases a child has died, and in both cases it is a tragedy. But the ethical status of the perpetrators, be they individuals or states, could hardly be more distinct. Chomsky might object that to knowingly place the life of a child in jeopardy is unacceptable in any case, but clearly this is not a principle we can follow. The makers of roller coasters know, for instance, that despite rigorous safety precautions, sometime, somewhere, a child will be killed by one of their contraptions. Makers of automobiles know this as well. So do makers of hockey sticks, baseball bats, plastic bags, swimming pools, chain-link fences, or nearly anything else that could conceivably contribute to the death of a child. There is a reason we do not refer to the inevitable deaths of children on our ski slopes as “skiing atrocities.” But you would not know this from reading Chomsky. For him, intentions do not seem to matter. Body count is all.

We are now living in a world that can no longer tolerate well-armed, malevolent regimes. Without perfect weapons, collateral damage – the maiming and killing of innocent people – is unavoidable. Similar suffering will be imposed on still more innocent people because of our lack of perfect automobiles, airplanes, antibiotics, surgical procedures, and window glass. If we want to draw conclusions about ethics – as well as make predictions about what a given person or society will do in the future – we cannot ignore human intentions. Where ethics are concerned, intentions are everything.

There's a good reason to ignore intentions - they're no consolation to the people killed, maimed, bereaved, left homeless by our actions. At least people undergoing surgery understand and have consented to the risk of 'collateral damage' in that situation: you can't really say the same of those with the misfortune to share a country with people who happen to catch the ire of somebody with an air force.
 
There's a good reason to ignore intentions - they're no consolation to the people killed, maimed, bereaved, left homeless by our actions. At least people undergoing surgery understand and have consented to the risk of 'collateral damage' in that situation: you can't really say the same of those with the misfortune to share a country with people who happen to catch the ire of somebody with an air force.

That's a good reason to be extra careful with who we choose to engage militarily but is not an argument against bombings and such in general. Intentions may be no comfort to the victims of collateral damage, but it's kind of a wash if those same people are going to be killed, maimed, bereaved, or left homeless anyway by, say, ISIS. Overall I agree with your position here though, I liked the way you phrased "The reason we have professional soldiers is to make the best of a bad thing", as a small government type I'm obviously not in favor of military action unless it's absolutely required. But I also have to agree with Funky's point that while military bombing may be considered an evil because of collateral damage, suicide bombing is a much greater evil, and the difference in degree is due to intent.
 
I'm not sure why you're harping on about the costume thing so much, you appear to be arguing with the air now because I never said a single thing about the Halloween costume situation. I don't know enough about that particular situation to have an opinion on it, I'm honestly not sure who you think you're arguing with here.

You are a KiA/GG fellow traveler. If it walks like duck... etc.

Your fellow travelers keep citing the Yale case as evidence of some broader academic repression.

The number one feature of KiA louts is the dismissal of all subjective concerns when such they disagree over such concerns (of course, their own subjective concerns are paramount). It's usually stuff like this:

Aside from the fact that "a better studying environment" and "demeaning nonsense" are both 100% subjective ideas

Yes, they are subjective concerns, which doesn't make them unreasonable or any less real to the people affected.

I mean, if a bunch of people showed up in Yale on Halloween dressed up as nazis and stereotypical Jews, no one would make any hay over this issue of banning them: you wouldn't see mouth-foaming KiA reactionary mobs screaming at the resulting protests, but when a native american is upset over a Pocahontas costume, it's suddenly the end of academic freedom as we know it!

It's because such issues are subjective and multifaceted that we have private autonomy and pluralism. The educational establishments can sort it out together with their students, teachers and donors.

But this new paragraph appears to change your argument.

Not it doesn't.

Now you're saying that private institutions only have the right to "limit disruptive behavior" if the behavior in question is something YOU find disruptive.

No, it's something they find disruptive.

because they find it disruptive but another institution cannot limit, say, Hispanics or women or homosexuals if they find them to be disruptive.

No, they can't. Or presumably they can't. You see, the institutions are still bound by the law, which forbids them from practicing such discrimination. It doesn't forbid them from placing ground rules on disruptive behavior such as demeaning costumes.
That's a double standard.

Not it isn't. It's liberal democracy. The state places limits on discrimination which the democracy finds appalling, but allows discrimination and practices that are found acceptable.

Great, so this applies to every speaker ever right? It's cool if a college bans Noam Chomsky from speaking there, right, because his "garbage" is found all over the web and he is given plenty of platforms elsewhere, so the students who wanted to see him aren't actually missing out on anything, right?

Sure, it applies to Noam Chomsky as well, but he isn't an appalling and hateful moron so people are less incline to reject him.

A university can refuse to platform Noam. I'm sure, no doubt, that some establishments have refused him.


First, I'm not sure you know what the word totalitarian means.

Oh, and i'm sure KiA louts never misuse the term. Oh wait they do.

I'm not using the term totalitarianism because I want to use it: I'm using it because it's used against me KiA morons who do not understand how things work.

Like all language, there is an inherent imprecision with all concepts, especially political language, but usually, the important distinction between authoritarianism and totalitarianism is the degree to which political pluralism is allowed. Totalitarians are never satisfied until all institutions and people repeat their nonsense and all platforms are inundated with their political messages. Totalitarians are never satisfied until all pluralism is destroyed.

This is, to me, exactly what GG and KiA stand for. This is why they mock the concept of safe-space. This is why they consider almost any type of moderation to be censorship. This is why they mock people who delete demeaning messages, or reject their pathetic icons like Mr. Milo from a debate.

Additionally, totalitarians are deeply attracted to paranoid conspiracy theories: which is an extremely common feature among KiA reactionaries.

What I am arguing for is the exact opposite of totalitarianism. What I am arguing for is that people should be allowed to say whatever they want and do whatever they want as long as they are not harming anyone else (the non-aggression principle).

Oh, this absurd libertarian drivel again. It gives me a headache.

This is nonsense. Brains are affected by abuse and mockery. Thus, the damage is physical and would violate your narrow NAP.

Totalitarianism by definition requires state power to enforce one set of ideals on everyone, and I want the state to be as small as humanly possible and hopefully the only ideal they should be enforcing is the non-aggression principle.

Yeah, but that's a cop out similar to "it's not racism because it's not a race!1". It's extremely superficial semantics, which you employ because you've already lost the underlying argument.

It's your group that is driven by a totalitarian urge to destroy political pluralism: firstly by destroying the ability of private establishments to platform whom they want. Then destroying safe space where people can be free of mockery and abuse. Etc.

This apparently is the behavior that you are referring to as totalitarian, since at no time have I advocated for anything like state force to be used to enforce anything I say.

KiA and their type of people do not employ the state for their goals, which is true enough. They instead resort to cyber-mobs and bullying.

But more seriously, I DO believe that property rights are a fundamental natural right.

In our current governmental environment, they are heavily compromised, that's true, and is one of the reasons I don't like the state. But in this thread I am talking about how things should be, not how they necessarily are. The government CAN legally seize property from people at any time and for almost any reason. That does not make those actions moral. You say that the state defines property laws. I disagree. Property laws being granted "divinely" or "naturally" or however one chooses to look at it is 100% required if we wish to make any definitive statements about ethics and morality. If property rights are defined by the state only, then in a state where theft is not illegal, theft would also not be immoral, which is nonsense. Theft is immoral wherever you are and regardless of what the state says about it, since it is a violation of the non-aggression principle.

There are no natural rights. If you believe in such things, you are not truly an atheist.

Laws are defined by a political sovereign, which has the power to enforce them. In a democracy, our state is run by elected representatives, who (hopefully) write laws that we approve of.

Theft itself is nothing without laws to define property rights in the first place. Without a common law, property is a subjective desire, not a rule.

I suggest you read this:

http://mattbruenig.com/2013/10/03/non-aggression-never-does-any-argumentative-work-at-any-time/

First of all, I've read the tweets, and no, they were not vicious and abusive, they basically amounted to "I think what you're doing is not very nice".

I doubt that. From what I've read, he constantly tweeted about this woman long after he'd been told to stop it and the woman had tried to break all contact with him. If he had kept sending similar mail to someone, who had made similar requests and attempts to break contact, I doubt that we'd be having this conversation. Again, I don't see this as abusive or frivolous law suit.

You don't see anything dishonest about a person lying... not being mistaken, straight up LYING, about getting raped at a party, when it has been shown that not only was she nowhere near the area at the time, but that there was in fact not even a party?

Of course, but that's not indicative of any larger problem. A lot of rapes are she-said-he-said cases, and compared other similar cases, where it's the plaintiff's word and against the defendant's word, rapes are less likely to lead to a sentence.

Again, one person lying doesn't mean that there is a larger problem with someone kind of all-encompassing "regressive left"

That's not an argument, tell me why you see this as being okay and we can maybe have a discussion about it, simply saying it's "pretty damn weak" tells me that you have nothing valid to say about it.

Yes it is an argument. Your examples are unbelievably trivial. Even the journalist in question thought the resulting controversy was a bit odd.

Like what do you think they were actually hiding? Were they sacrificing babies?

A single journalist got denied access to take a photograph of something no one would have cared about for any reason. Boohoo. Huge problem. Certainly something to foam at the mouth about.

Some times protesters get unnecessarily aggravated and lash out against the wrong people: perhaps there was something else going that had gotten them worked up. I Just don't see what is the major problem here. It happens. It's not some cosmic calamity that should worry us all.

People in Ferguson will never riot and set fire to buildings, stop being so paranoid!

Ferguson is a corrupt banana republic. Setting buildings on fire was appropriate: and it worked.

The protests may have targeted civilian property, but it got the county to correct some of it's vast abuses. For instance, Ferguson has been compelled to reform it's obscenely corrupt practice of funding its county through fining (mostly) minorities for trivial traffic violations. Yes, this was a county funded with penalizing minorities for imagined offenses.

Sometimes calamitous riots bring about positive political changes; it drags people out of their bubbles and forces them to face the shortcomings.

It's pretty clear to me that you are just opposed to any left-wing activism of any kind.
 
I think I'm done with this argument since your entire last post starting with your very first sentence made it clear that you have prejudged my opinions on everything before we even started and are viewing everything through that lens instead of dealing with it fairly and honestly. You refer to the ideology I'm explaining as "drivel" without so much as a single counterargument against it, you ad hominem me relentlessly and apparently without irony, you misrepresent my arguments by only quoting certain parts of them and leaving out important context and information. I'm not sure why I expected any different since several other leftists on this site do the exact same things in every other topic I post in but, fortunately, it's nearing the end of the workday now and I'll be far too busy shooting alien scum in the face this weekend to keep up with this thread anymore.
 
http://quillette.com/2016/01/22/the...s-the-regressive-left-in-theory-and-practice/
The Masochists Who Defend Sadists: The Regressive Left in Theory and Practice

That is a great article, which I can recommend everyone here reads. My favorite parts were:

What defines the regressive left? It is the same assumption of Western culpability and confusion between friends and enemies that led to left-wing support for genocide denial in the 1990s and for the resistance in Iraq. In his excellent collaboration with Sam Harris, Islam and the Future of Tolerance, Nawaz shows that the regressive left “leap(s) whenever any (not merely their own) liberal democratic government commits a policy error, while generally ignoring almost every fascist, theocratic or Muslim-led dictatorial regime and group in the world.”

In doing so, the regressive left has abandoned the people in the Muslim world it is supposed to be defending: the Muslim liberals, the Muslim feminists, the Muslim homosexuals, the ex-Muslims and atheists, the secular bloggers in Bangladesh, and the raped and tortured Yazidis, to name just a few.

This is to the point, and it makes clear how morally reprehensible the regressive left is.


In 2014, John Pilger was invited to the annual Festival of Dangerous Ideas in Sydney, a conference of free thought and debate. His discussion was titled Breaking Australia’s Silence, and he spoke about our ‘secret’ history, our colonial sins, and our collusion with Western imperialism and its depredations. Standard fare, really. The moderator invited questions from the audience. Here is the text of the first question and answer:

Audience member: Do you think that the West should ever get involved in wars overseas . . ?

Because it feels despite our misadventures in the 2003 Iraq war and despite the problems that we’ve caused . . it feels like you’re saying . . we should just let ISIS kill whoever they want to kill and commit genocide however they wish to . . . don’t we still have a moral responsibility to help the people who have been beheaded, killed and crucified on the streets of Syria and Iraq right now?

Pilger: It’s interesting about this hideous beheading, isn’t it? . . . How much do you know about the beheading of Aboriginal people in the early days of this country?


Can the reader imagine the reaction? Of course you can. The audience broke into rapturous applause. Pilger retorted that the Iraq war cost hundreds of thousands of lives, and he was right. He didn’t mention, though, that the primary cause of those deaths was the united forces of Ba’athism and jihadism, the thugs and fanatics and friends of John Pilger and the Western Left. The questioner was berated for being “very selective”, but the irony, like everything else, was at Pilger’s expense.
This is regressive sin no. 7 I refered to earlier in the thread, which comes up constantly in discussions with regressives, "change the topic". Want to talk about a problem? Nah, let's talk about this other problem instead. No matter if it happened a hundred years ago or is totally insignificant. As long as regressives can blame the right people ("the West", "America", "whites" etc), in their mind it will override any other problem.
 
So from the two halves of your post, there are two arguments in your point:
  • How dare the 'regressive left' talk narrowly about government repression without putting it into context!
  • How dare the 'regressive left' put foreign wars into context without talking about them narrowly!

Right.
 
Don't you remember, you are neither allowed to zoom out, nor to zoom in. You have to look at everything within the bounds of the argument as it is constructed to suit the desired conclusion.
 
So from the two halves of your post, there are two arguments in your point:
  • How dare the 'regressive left' talk narrowly about government repression without putting it into context!
  • How dare the 'regressive left' put foreign wars into context without talking about them narrowly!

Right.

How does entirely shifting the focus to events in Australia 200 years ago put the current Syrian situation "in context"? Sure, it puts it in some sort of context if you happen to be writing a paper on man's treatment of man throughout history, but it provides zero context if you're actually talking about humanitarian aid in the here and now.
 
Last I checked, bombs and missiles don't generally qualify as 'humanitarian aid'.

I believe the question posed was "don’t we still have a moral responsibility to help the people who have been beheaded, killed and crucified on the streets of Syria and Iraq right now?"

I mean it seems a pretty straightforward question but apparently it's really hard to answer without deflection.
 
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