Do you support a Libertarian Utopia?

Would you move to this Country?


  • Total voters
    81
Railro
There are +300m people in the U.S. and about 7.5 million reported property crimes. So, even if each crime was committed by only one person, it would still be less than 3% of the population. I don't think that would be a good number, but I think my general statement of people respect other people's property holds.

Well if you mean that most ie. >50% respect property I suspect you are correct. However given that most property crime is probably not reported 3% a year is still pretty bad. over say a 50 yr adult life span that is 150% of population. How many people here have not had something stolen?

I believe a private crime-fighting force would be better at fighting off any armed gangs because the honest protection agency would get business.

Why? I'd just hire the best (most discrete and brutal) and pay them to go sabotage my competitor or steal his property. Now maybe I wouldn't but someone would.

Government law enforcment is often corrupt and brutal but there are a lot of checks on them, the press, voters, federal watching state, internal affairs etc. The idea that some unregulated, unwatched private entity would be better in this regard is not credible.

BTW who makes the laws that these private entities enforce? Can they be changed?
 
Please demonstrate the falseness by providing : A society with significant private property in which some people (or more importantly corporations) do not seek to dominate financially others through hook or crook? I ask for the 3rd time but you continue to blow smoke with fancy sounding verbiage.
Can you explain to me what you think that would prove one way or the other? If you're offering your thesis up for falsification, then I need to know what I'm supposed to be falsifying, and how. Because at the moment I don't think that we agree on that.

No, you get to learn what form self interest takes observationally. Some of understanding economics is more akin to a naturalist observing animals in the wild than it is to philosophy or experimental sciences. And some of it is experimental sciences, in the same manner that psychology can be experimental.
How do historically specific observations provide transhistorical insights? At most, you can produce generalisations, but I'd be highly sceptical that capitalist society offers sufficient evidence to make realistic generalisations about all humanity.
 
How do historically specific observations provide transhistorical insights? At most, you can produce generalisations, but I'd be highly sceptical that capitalist society offers sufficient evidence to make realistic generalisations about all humanity.


Does it try? Does that even matter? Capitalism is kind of in the "now" rather than in the "always". Certainly many behaviors change with different situations. But economic decisions are based on the best understanding of how people act now, and some guesswork on how they may behave in the future. The future guesstimates are based on the now, the expected changes in the future, and the historical record of how people have behaved in somewhat similar situations.

Transhistorical is neither required, nor likely to be illuminating.
 
Does it try? Does that even matter? Capitalism is kind of in the "now" rather than in the "always". Certainly many behaviors change with different situations. But economic decisions are based on the best understanding of how people act now, and some guesswork on how they may behave in the future. The future guesstimates are based on the now, the expected changes in the future, and the historical record of how people have behaved in somewhat similar situations.

Transhistorical is neither required, nor likely to be illuminating.
Well, yes, but if we've gone this far down that road, why are we still talking about "humans will always do X"? Surely it becomes a question of actual social structures, and not just of some general tendency towards dickishness? And while you can certainly make the argument that the factors which produce such dickishness would be retained in the right-libertarian model- I would!- you actually have to, y'know, make it, rather than just assuming it.
 
Well, yes, but if we've gone this far down that road, why are we still talking about "humans will always do X"? Surely it becomes a question of actual social structures, and not just of some general tendency towards dickishness? And while you can certainly make the argument that the factors which produce such dickishness would be retained in the right-libertarian model- I would!- you actually have to, y'know, make it, rather than just assuming it.


As we've discussed before, recently, I don't believe in universal dickishness. I only think there is a small percentage of true dickishness going on. But that small percentage of dickishness is more than enough to ruin it for everyone else. And the only places you don't see that small amount of dickishness is where there is some external force clamping down on it.

Predators and reckless fools are endemic to the human condition. The question is what means are used to keep it in check? Social pressure only works to the extent that it is inescapable and all people are locked into the community tight enough to feel the punishment. Religious control only works until the predators and fools take over the religion. Economic controls only work until the predators and fools take over the economy, and then only while the economic interactions are on such a small scale that everyone knows everyone else personally.

What's left?
 
As we've discussed before, recently, I don't believe in universal dickishness. I only think there is a small percentage of true dickishness going on. But that small percentage of dickishness is more than enough to ruin it for everyone else. And the only places you don't see that small amount of dickishness is where there is some external force clamping down on it.

Predators and reckless fools are endemic to the human condition. The question is what means are used to keep it in check? Social pressure only works to the extent that it is inescapable and all people are locked into the community tight enough to feel the punishment. Religious control only works until the predators and fools take over the religion. Economic controls only work until the predators and fools take over the economy, and then only while the economic interactions are on such a small scale that everyone knows everyone else personally.

What's left?
Ever read Lord of the Flies?

I think that without some authority structure, ie anarchy, it would lead to... anarchy.

That small percentage of dickishness, if left unchecked, takes over...
 
I would like to think that a society including people besides vindictive 1950's British schoolboys can avoid complete societal collapse for a little while.
 
Of course, when left without one, they created a tyrannical despotism.

I'd say they were left with the one they were raised under and it went downhill from there, had they been pacific islander children raised in that environment the outcome would have been much different. I dont see it as a commentary on anarchism...
 
And that would be fair enough, if it was anything other than a strawman, seemingly constructed to avoid having to engage with the relevant political theory. So pity about that.
When I'll see libertarian making something going beyond than this supposed strawman, I'll perhaps have to elevate the counter.
For now, I've not seen anything akin to that, so this answer is sufficient.
I'm not talking about political orientation, I'm talking about the philosophical anthropology that underlies political orientation. You can't invoke a relatively specific conception humanity and human behaviour, and then claim that you don't have such a conception. Social sciences are not, contrary to your analogy, a precise field, they invariably come down to interpretation; there is no scientific neutrality in which you can shelter.
I'm afraid that I'll go with Mark and say that either my grasp on english is too weak to understand what is actually relevant in what you say, or there is just a lot of pointless verbiage.

So please dumb down your speech to my level and tell me something that makes sense to me and is relevant to my point.
 
As we've discussed before, recently, I don't believe in universal dickishness. I only think there is a small percentage of true dickishness going on. But that small percentage of dickishness is more than enough to ruin it for everyone else. And the only places you don't see that small amount of dickishness is where there is some external force clamping down on it.
The first complication seems to be the relatively durability of communal forms of organisation in human society, which survived in Western Europe until the 18th century, in Eastern Europe until the Stalinist collectivisations, and still exist in some parts of Asia today. Most are broken up by external intervention (the transition to a society of petty-proprietors is possible, but uncommon), not as a result of internal maladjustment, as your claims would suggest. How would you reconcile that with your claims above that?
The second would be the flip-side of this, that there is no self-evident correlation between historical injustice and individual pathology. Aristocratic classes dominated and exploited the peasantry for millennia, and yet it seems unrealistic that this can be attributed to a personality disorder consistent across thousands of years, several continents, and a variety of different societal forms. Capitalism is of course trickier, because the market system permits a greater social fluidity, but again I don't really see the correlation between sheer dickishness on the one-hand, and social injustice or disruption on the other. Yes, large corporate entities act in ways that would be anti-social if they were actual human beings, but that doesn't provide any immediate clues to the personalities of the people actually running them, and I don't regard it as sound sociological practice to simply assume something like that. (What's more, it leaves the institutional question, which is to say "How the hell did these guys get in charge in the first place if they are obviously sociopaths?" entirely unanswered.)

Predators and reckless fools are endemic to the human condition. The question is what means are used to keep it in check? Social pressure only works to the extent that it is inescapable and all people are locked into the community tight enough to feel the punishment. Religious control only works until the predators and fools take over the religion. Economic controls only work until the predators and fools take over the economy, and then only while the economic interactions are on such a small scale that everyone knows everyone else personally.

What's left?
Armed men with a license to destroy people? That seems to be what you're advocating, and I can't say that it's a solution with the most fantastic historical record.

When I'll see libertarian making something going beyond than this supposed strawman, I'll perhaps have to elevate the counter.
For now, I've not seen anything akin to that, so this answer is sufficient.
"I'm ignorant, and I refuse to learn" is not an argument. If you're going to attack their politics at their philosophical root, as you attempted to do, then you need to actually learn what that root is.

I'm afraid that I'll go with Mark and say that either my grasp on english is too weak to understand what is actually relevant in what you say, or there is just a lot of pointless verbiage.

So please dumb down your speech to my level and tell me something that makes sense to me and is relevant to my point.
Ok: I am not saying that you are a liberal, I am saying that your conception of humanity is essentially liberal, in the sense that it derives from the philosophical anthropology of Enlightenment liberalism. This is a territory you fundamentally share with the libertarians, you just disagree about the degree to which humans are rational creatures. So it is silly to chastise them as possessing what you regard as a lunatic conception of humanity, when 90% of it is identical to yours.
 
The first complication seems to be the relatively durability of communal forms of organisation in human society, which survived in Western Europe until the 18th century, in Eastern Europe until the Stalinist collectivisations, and still exist in some parts of Asia today. Most are broken up by external intervention (the transition to a society of petty-proprietors is possible, but uncommon), not as a result of internal maladjustment, as your claims would suggest. How would you reconcile that with your claims above that?


That they disintegrated pretty rapidly, not just under duress, but under opportunity. Anything can be durable when there's no choice in the matter. To a large extent the malcontents in those societies left, were forced out, or otherwise disposed of.

That was the release valve. People constantly left for the cities. The people left behind were those who most wanted to live that way.

But it was also true that in a non money economy, and lets face it, most people before the mid 19th century were living in a non money economy simply because of the lack of money, there was no choices in the matter.

They lived within the options that they had.

And I'm sure many were perfectly content with that. And many even preferred in once given a choice. But for most it simply amounted to all that they knew.


The second would be the flip-side of this, that there is no self-evident correlation between historical injustice and individual pathology. Aristocratic classes dominated and exploited the peasantry for millennia, and yet it seems unrealistic that this can be attributed to a personality disorder consistent across thousands of years, several continents, and a variety of different societal forms. Capitalism is of course trickier, because the market system permits a greater social fluidity, but again I don't really see the correlation between sheer dickishness on the one-hand, and social injustice or disruption on the other. Yes, large corporate entities act in ways that would be anti-social if they were actual human beings, but that doesn't provide any immediate clues to the personalities of the people actually running them, and I don't regard it as sound sociological practice to simply assume something like that. (What's more, it leaves the institutional question, which is to say "How the hell did these guys get in charge in the first place if they are obviously sociopaths?" entirely unanswered.)


Who said that dickishness was a pathology? It can be simple self-interest.



Armed men with a license to destroy people? That seems to be what you're advocating, and I can't say that it's a solution with the most fantastic historical record.


You should know damned well that's not what I want. I want a government of popular sovereignty where the public at large can mitigate and control the bad guys.
 
That they disintegrated pretty rapidly, not just under duress, but under opportunity.
Do you have any examples of this? From what I understand, rapid disintegration generally came packaged with a fair degree of brutality. Also, I'd say that even outside of very rapid transitions, there's a distinction between duress, and external forces. The penetration of capitalist market-systems into peasant communities necessarily exerts an influence upon them; capitalism was is just an apple on a distant tree, but a reality which they are already being forced to adjust to. I don't know what you can infer about the internal stability of a small peasant village when its dissolution resulted from its collision with global capitalism; a bit like claiming that humans are naturally flimsy creatures because we make a mess when hit by speeding trains.

Anything can be durable when there's no choice in the matter. To a large extent the malcontents in those societies left, were forced out, or otherwise disposed of.

That was the release valve. People constantly left for the cities. The people left behind were those who most wanted to live that way.
This is viable, but it's all conjecture. What reason have to be believe that the malcontent left to the cities? Given the relative populations and the extent of migration, doesn't that suggest that there were only the barest few of them to begin with? And what of the fact that migration was unevenly dispersed by region and by class; a Kentish smith may well end up in London, but a Hebridean peasant was not likely to end up in Edinburgh. And even if we accept this hypothesis, why didn't that collapse the cities, given that they built on an often precarious corporate basis? (You'll be aware that "commune" used to refer to semi-autonomous cities.) It works internally, but does it offer an effective interpretation of what actually happened?

But it was also true that in a non money economy, and lets face it, most people before the mid 19th century were living in a non money economy simply because of the lack of money, there was no choices in the matter.

They lived within the options that they had.

And I'm sure many were perfectly content with that. And many even preferred in once given a choice. But for most it simply amounted to all that they knew.
Why does it matter that it was all they knew? That doesn't imply that they would spontaneously develop a commitment to social harmony and the greater good. Capitalism is all people today now, but you yourself a quick to criticise those you regard as gaming the system.
You've been quite explicit that you think any society lacking in mediatory institutions will tear itself apart, but these societies represent at the very last a partial absence (their relationship with feudal and tributary overlords was varied and often complex), and they lasted ten thousand years. So what gives?

Who said that dickishness was a pathology? It can be simple self-interest.
It's an evidently self-destructive way of pursuing it, if it leads so invariably to social turmoil, so I can't see what else you'd call it.

You should know damned well that's not what I want. I want a government of popular sovereignty where the public at large can mitigate and control the bad guys.
But that's what you see it as requiring, isn't it? That's what you're going to call for when push comes to shove? And given the topic, that is rather the point.
 
"I'm ignorant, and I refuse to learn" is not an argument.
But "I won't bother with complex counters when a simple one suffices" is.
So it is silly to chastise them as possessing what you regard as a lunatic conception of humanity, when 90% of it is identical to yours.
When the 10 % making the difference are a lunatic conception of humanity, then no it's not silly.

You're trying far too hard to be the Devil's Advocate.
When someone ask if a broken engine can work, you can just point at the melted part of it, you don't need to spend five hours on a lesson about how engines works, what fuel they use and the whole factory process.
 
Do you have any examples of this? From what I understand, rapid disintegration generally came packaged with a fair degree of brutality. Also, I'd say that even outside of very rapid transitions, there's a distinction between duress, and external forces. The penetration of capitalist market-systems into peasant communities necessarily exerts an influence upon them; capitalism was is just an apple on a distant tree, but a reality which they are already being forced to adjust to. I don't know what you can infer about the internal stability of a small peasant village when its dissolution resulted from its collision with global capitalism; a bit like claiming that humans are naturally flimsy creatures because we make a mess when hit by speeding trains.


In the US, voluntary participation in the world, as opposed to the local, economy essentially expanded in lock step with access to the world economy. That is, as roads and canals, and later railroads, opened up the possibility of trade people took advantage of that fact.

There was an ideal of independent yeoman farmers each self sufficient on their own land. But that only lasted so long as people where physically isolated. To transport a wagon load of grain 50 miles by horse or ox on primitive roads doubled the cost of that grain. But once roads were good, canals were common, and then railroads started to expand, the costs of transport fell so much that it became a far more practical alternative.

Then, given that that wider economic participation was available, people took advantage of it. And that is consistent with one of the core economic theories, comparative advantage. People trade because it is directly beneficial to them to do so. But the circumstances do have to allow them to do it. Transportation costs for people away from harbors and navigable rivers is very high before the age of steam. Prohibitively high in the cases of many of them.



This is viable, but it's all conjecture. What reason have to be believe that the malcontent left to the cities? Given the relative populations and the extent of migration, doesn't that suggest that there were only the barest few of them to begin with? And what of the fact that migration was unevenly dispersed by region and by class; a Kentish smith may well end up in London, but a Hebridean peasant was not likely to end up in Edinburgh. And even if we accept this hypothesis, why didn't that collapse the cities, given that they built on an often precarious corporate basis? (You'll be aware that "commune" used to refer to semi-autonomous cities.) It works internally, but does it offer an effective interpretation of what actually happened?


Are you factoring in the death rates of the cities? People went to the cities looking for opportunities and usually finding disease instead. The cities did not grow vast because the demographics were entirely different. The life expectancy was dramatically lower. For cities of the era generally constant immigration was the necessary condition for the city not being entirely depopulated by disease.

Further, you seem to be looking for universal rules, where I am looking for aggregate rules. I don't really care what all people did, because all people never did any one thing. I'm concerned with what the bulk of the people did.



Why does it matter that it was all they knew? That doesn't imply that they would spontaneously develop a commitment to social harmony and the greater good. Capitalism is all people today now, but you yourself a quick to criticise those you regard as gaming the system.
You've been quite explicit that you think any society lacking in mediatory institutions will tear itself apart, but these societies represent at the very last a partial absence (their relationship with feudal and tributary overlords was varied and often complex), and they lasted ten thousand years. So what gives?


Did it really last 10,000 years in harmony? That's pretty unbelievable. In that time there were vast numbers of peasant revolts. There were great areas and eras when the peasants were left to their own devices, only so long as they did nothing that inconvenienced their overlords. There were religions that preached obedience to the rightful masters and rightful place of people in society. And when those broke down there were massacres brutal repression. Add that to having the troublemakers leave, rather voluntarily or not, and no access to any other kind of economy, and often laws which restricted if not outright preventing labor mobility. I don't think you can look at 10,000 years of peasant history and say that it was stable because people knew of and had access to alternatives and yet chose to live that way.




It's an evidently self-destructive way of pursuing it, if it leads so invariably to social turmoil, so I can't see what else you'd call it.


It's not self-evident to the dicks. In fact it is often personally beneficial to a high degree. If you want to make the claim that it is evidently self-destructive to the society, as opposed to the individual, then you have to make the claim that people, essentially all people, were acting for the community and not for themselves. And, as I have been trying to say, that condition does not hold. And even to the extent that it holds for many, it only takes a small percentage of people to ruin it for everyone else.

Your system requires universality. And you don't have it. Mine does not. Mine only requires an understand that universality breaks down, and some concept of where and under what circumstances that happens.


But that's what you see it as requiring, isn't it? That's what you're going to call for when push comes to shove? And given the topic, that is rather the point.


It requires a police. It does not require stormtroopers. :crazyeye:
 
Some comments are cut to reduce the size of the post. Also if I missed your reply (I had more then I was expecting) to my comments, let me know, and I will be glad to respond.

And this power is rather taken by these same groups, which can have and use it directly rather than having to get it through a government that keeps them in check.

In order for this to be considered a problem, the total horror of atrocities commited in abscence of the state will need to be greater than the horror of atrocities witnessed under the state. I'm not conviced of that.


We would essentially reset to 1900 US with the conditions I described previously. While there is creeping corruption now, there is no comparison to the “gilded age”.

That was a time of increased government intervention, so I don't see how it represents any form libertarianism. Conservatism, perhaps.


Sure. And corruption still exists but it is much better than it used to be. Why, because of laws and oversite and internal affairs, and federal civil right laws and the FBI and all those fancy gubmnt restrictions on cops freedom. And more recently UTube.:lol:

Well my problem is I don't view today's state-employed police as any better.


Doesn't work. What you are referring to is Public Choice Theory. The idea that all of what the government does is to serve special interests. But the reality is that massive amounts of what the government does does not serve special interests. Or, at least that is true in all the nations that have a legitimate democracy. The nations where it is true tend to not have any more than the outward trappings of democracy.

It's not that I think everything the government does is the result of some effort to serve special interest. But, that theoretically any power that the government has can be twisted and abused for those purposes should people with questionable motives be put in charge of it. Non-libertarians propose we put faith in democracy to keep those sorts out. I don't have much faith in democracy to do that; which is why I prefer to not grant government those powers to begin with.


Why wouldn't it?

I wasn't claiming it wouldn't. Someone had claimed it would, so I wanted to see why he thought that.


That assumes you can afford the private police and they don't just work for the people who want to screw you over.

The poor already recieve the poorest quality of police service. They have almost no respect in the urban and rural poor areas. To admire the police is a strange middle class phenomena, and not even in all of those communities. People fear the police more than they do criminals. Also, I don't expect private players who plan to screw me over to do it any worse then the state already does.


Disco! My point exactly. A Libertarian Utopia will meet the same issues any society in human history has met.

And I believe humans have the ability to address those issues much better without a state.
 
In the US, voluntary participation in the world, as opposed to the local, economy essentially expanded in lock step with access to the world economy. That is, as roads and canals, and later railroads, opened up the possibility of trade people took advantage of that fact.

There was an ideal of independent yeoman farmers each self sufficient on their own land. But that only lasted so long as people where physically isolated. To transport a wagon load of grain 50 miles by horse or ox on primitive roads doubled the cost of that grain. But once roads were good, canals were common, and then railroads started to expand, the costs of transport fell so much that it became a far more practical alternative.

Then, given that that wider economic participation was available, people took advantage of it. And that is consistent with one of the core economic theories, comparative advantage. People trade because it is directly beneficial to them to do so. But the circumstances do have to allow them to do it. Transportation costs for people away from harbors and navigable rivers is very high before the age of steam. Prohibitively high in the cases of many of them.
Given that American history entirely post-dates the sort of peasant society that I'm talking about, I don't know what that has to do with anything. American farmers were always petty proprietors, specialised agricultural producers, not self-sufficient peasants with communal property forms. All you're observing is that local capitalism gives way to global capitalism, which is true, but also irrelevant.

Are you factoring in the death rates of the cities? People went to the cities looking for opportunities and usually finding disease instead. The cities did not grow vast because the demographics were entirely different. The life expectancy was dramatically lower. For cities of the era generally constant immigration was the necessary condition for the city not being entirely depopulated by disease.
That's a caricature. Cities could be vulnerable to epidemics, yes, but they weren't all festering hell-holes. Especially given that it was only relatively recently that they developed the attendant underclass that would actually live in such squalid conditions; for most of history, they were the preserve of skilled artisans, merchants, various professionals, and nobles, which weren't exactly the sort of people to live in their own filth. (Which, incidentally, raises the question of what good a constant stream of unskilled peasants would actually be to a city?) If anything, their relative insulation from the risks of crop-failures meant that they were a better place to live than in the country. You're basically taking Paris c.1750 and imposing it backwards onto all pre-modern urbanism.

Further, you seem to be looking for universal rules, where I am looking for aggregate rules. I don't really care what all people did, because all people never did any one thing. I'm concerned with what the bulk of the people did.
I'm not asking for rules of any sort, I'm asking for you to defend your anthropology. You have a hypothesis, that human society is self-destructive in the absence of mediatory authorities, so now you have to see if its actually born out by the historical evidence.

Did it really last 10,000 years in harmony? That's pretty unbelievable. In that time there were vast numbers of peasant revolts. There were great areas and eras when the peasants were left to their own devices, only so long as they did nothing that inconvenienced their overlords. There were religions that preached obedience to the rightful masters and rightful place of people in society. And when those broke down there were massacres brutal repression.
I didn't suggest that it was ten thousand years of harmony, I said that it was ten thousands years of basic functionality. That stateless communality worked, and lasted, and generally didn't tear themselves apart. This seems to be the case.

Add that to having the troublemakers leave, rather voluntarily or not...
I'm not actually sure how common this was, actually. It doesn't figure largely in the studies of peasant society that I've read. Vagrancy tends to be an Early Modern phenomenon, associated with the disintegration of peasant societies more than anything else.

...and no access to any other kind of economy, and often laws which restricted if not outright preventing labor mobility. I don't think you can look at 10,000 years of peasant history and say that it was stable because people knew of and had access to alternatives and yet chose to live that way.
I don't think that I am saying that. I'm not even sure why it's relevant. Why would the existence of alternatives have any effect on whether or not these communities were internally stable.

It's not self-evident to the dicks. In fact it is often personally beneficial to a high degree. If you want to make the claim that it is evidently self-destructive to the society, as opposed to the individual, then you have to make the claim that people, essentially all people, were acting for the community and not for themselves. And, as I have been trying to say, that condition does not hold. And even to the extent that it holds for many, it only takes a small percentage of people to ruin it for everyone else.
I don't have to make that claim at all. That demands the presumption that self-interest and collective interest is necessarily opposed, which I would not only reject, but I would say is quite demonstrably false. What I'm suggesting is that, for most people, for most of history, self-interest and cooperation have been strongly aligned with each other, and that your "small percentage", for all they are touted as the inevitable harbingers of doom, seemed to be absent from the equation. Which leads me to suspect that it's something to do with capitalism, rather than humanity itself, which produces the sort of behaviour that so concerns you.

Your system requires universality. And you don't have it. Mine does not. Mine only requires an understand that universality breaks down, and some concept of where and under what circumstances that happens.
I didn't realise that I had "a system", and I'm not sure how it would be relevant if I did. This isn't about political "systems", this is about the anthropological basis for the criticisms of right-libertarians that have been voiced in this thread.

It requires a police. It does not require stormtroopers. :crazyeye:
I don't mean to be facetious when I say that's a question of degrees. State violence, however limited it may be in any given instance, always carries the implicit threat of lethal force. And it has to- what good would a security force be if it just gave up and went home when things got too hairy?

But "I won't bother with complex counters when a simple one suffices" is.
No, see, my thing was a derisive paraphrase of your comment, while this is just you saying what you think of my posts. So it doesn't really work as a retort.

When the 10 % making the difference are a lunatic conception of humanity, then no it's not silly.

You're trying far too hard to be the Devil's Advocate.
When someone ask if a broken engine can work, you can just point at the melted part of it, you don't need to spend five hours on a lesson about how engines works, what fuel they use and the whole factory process.
If it only takes 10% to turn your conception of humanity "lunatic", then I think you need to examine it more critically. Kind of like how an engine that very easily breaks might need a bit of a re-design.
 
In order for this to be considered a problem, the total horror of atrocities commited in abscence of the state will need to be greater than the horror of atrocities witnessed under the state. I'm not conviced of that.
Then you're completely out of touch with any kind of reality.

Even an atrociously bad government is still way ahead complete anarchy - not to say it's good, just that the alternative is even worse. Being oppressed and killed by officials is no worse than being oppressed and killed by any random passerby that happens to fancy it, and the former in a society tends to happen quite less often than the latter in anarchy, and has a lower level of arbitrariness.

And anyway, even if it wasn't the case, there is an even more fundamental reality : power vacuum don't last, and is filled soon. If there is no (or a very weak) government, then the local people having the most power will take charge. So you'll just get an even crudier and more oppressive form of authority. Have fun.
 
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