If you'd been reading accurately that's not how I described 19th century nobility at all.
It would make for a better discussion if your sole rejoinder wasn't that I didn't understand your post.
If you'd been reading accurately that's not how I described 19th century nobility at all.
Right. So, pray tell, who 'created' the Habsburgs?
The creation of nobility - although not exclusively, mind you - dates primarily from postrevolutionary France, where it became habit to confer (in essence meaningless) titles on certain persons of prominence (read: bourgeois) without any connection to land at all. Now, I'm not the first to call this 'created nobility'. This does not imply that (in or outside France) nobility disappeared, just that there was an entire new category added to it.
Summing this development up as being a meaningless distinction is indeed missing the point entirely. (Not to mention that arguing back from the present situation is never good arguing, whatever is being argued.)
I'm not sure that's true at all. In pre-revolutionary France, the distinction betweens "nobles of the sword" and "nobles of the gown" was well-established. It even had legal weight: the "swords", the old knightly families, possessed the right to wear swords at court, while the "gowns", the newer families of bourgeois origin, did not. Certainly in this period, the "nobles of the sword" made up the much greater part of the nobility, because they were scattered across the country while the "nobles of the gown" were as a rule dependent on the royal court, but that doesn't support the claim that "created nobility" was a nineteenth-century innovation.
It's not. He's careful to point out that this did not begin after 1789, merely increased after that year. Mind you, I'm not sure he's right, but he's not shifting the goalposts.Maybe it's just my bad sight, but aren't those goalposts moving?
I'll try to summarise his argument then. Bear in mind, I don't know enough about the period or the personages involved to know if his argument is correct, merely what his argument is.I'm just having some difficulty following his argument, then.
The Duke and Duchess of Cornwall, also known as Prince William and Kate Middleton, are an excellent and well-known example of this; being granted the title "Duke of Cornwall" didn't grant William sovereignty over the area of Cornwall, even in limited fashion. Nor was he granted lands or authority there. It is simply an important-sounding title. He is now 'created nobility.'
Come one, how am I supposed to tell two different inbred oppressors of the working classes apart?The fancy word for that is 'titular nobility' and is even accounted for in the difference between a duchy (a dukedom which has influence in the associated area) and a dukedom (which does not). Prince William is the Duke of Cambridge, but it's merely a title with no other responsibilities, whereas Prince Charles is the Duke of Cornwall, which does encompass various political and economic privileges in Cornwall, which is why the Duchy of Cornwall is a significant economic force (and source of income for Charles).
This is also not to say that all nobility was not created at some point in the past; obviously, unless one believes in the old concept of the divine right of kings, nobility hasn't existed since the dawn of humanity. But 'created nobility' is a special, separate branch of nobility. One does not say that a utility vehicle is not a branch of vehicles that exists, simply because other vehicles may also be used for utilitarian purposes. 'Created nobility' is the same.
Come on, how am I supposed to tell two different inbred oppressors of the working classes apart?
Inbred recipients of welfare from the taxpayers?No, those are Tory politicians. You need a different slur for the Royal Family.![]()
So that Labour MP was tweeting a pic of Prince Harry's ride?See, the Royals are not so different to the British public.![]()
In addition to that, it was really Ribbentrop who pushed through the addition of Tokyo to the Axis. He wasn't the RAM until 1938. Up until then, the German Foreign Service had been very wary of any agreement with Japan, fearing that it might make the Japanese more aggressive towards parties they weren't interested in fighting, like the US or Britain.It was a holdover from the pre-war era. The Nazi government had developed strong links with China in 1933-7, building on links developed in the Weimar period, and couldn't really offered to abandon them overnight. Hitler favoured Japan as an ally against the USSR, but German industrialists didn't want to abandon their investments in China for the sake of mere politics, so German policy was basically to keep pre-war agreements spinning until they became non-viable.