Because it aggravates a stratification, which is going to be compounding upon previous injustices.
we would first have to demonstrate that this policy + outcome differential is an injustice, at all.
But if a "solution" helps drive an identifiable subgroup downwards, then we should be looking for better solutions.
again, that doesn't hold, other than looking for solutions that are objectively better is broadly desirable. we also must be careful in claiming that a policy "helps drive a group downward". that sounds a lot like a direct causal relationship with a burden of evidence that can be satisfied. if that burden of evidence is not satisfied, the policy is not "driving the group downward". if anything is, it's something else.
We're pretty far off abortion here, but consider one more based on class. If a city passes aggressive ordinance against public urination, then obviously it will impact the homeless population more than the working class (further hurting the homeless from being able to comply). Now, no one wants urine-soaked streets.
there is practically nothing that can be passed, in abortion law or otherwise, that will not demonstrate apparently different effects on different subgroups. this is not evidence of "inherent bias against that subgroup", though.
the alternative discussion of "does this policy actually do what we want the most efficiently" is more interesting. however, if we're asking that question about abortion wrt race, we're asking the wrong questions. most of the arguments are upstream from that anyway, a disagreement on what an abortion is doing and to whom.
After that, it's the weighting we put on the fetus that underscores the debate.
i mean, it's *the* debate wrt abortion. the extent to which they get rights/are individuals/have a body of their own.
looking at rates by race in this context is silly. the point made earlier is similar to looking at laws against murder and claiming they disproportionately effect black people, and therefore murder laws are inherently racist. if that sounds absurd, that's because it is absurd. but the rationale used for murder vs abortion law is identical.
you can't legislate away the factors causing these observed differences by dancing around altering laws that are designed to apply to citizens equally. you'd do a lot better by agreeing on what the factors are in the first place.
An input that causes differential outcomes and causes divergence is having an effect based on that input.
and yet even now, we have had nothing that demonstrates such a causal relationship, such that abortion law specifically can be "innately racist". observing divergence and claiming there must be a cause doesn't work. divergence can happen for any number of reasons, even for theoretically perfectly fair policies. if we accept that, calling a policy itself racist is misguided at best, and in some contexts is outright lying.
The problem with trying to measure the racial element is that there's a huge cultural aspect that then leads to an incredibly number of compounding variables.
well, yeah. so why blame policy as "innately racist"? culture is, to a large degree, still a choice. at least, the individual making the choice in question for this thread (abortion) is making a choice at the individual level. culture will influence that individual's choice, but that doesn't mean policy should deviate from otherwise fair law to accommodate arbitrary cultures.
a few other points about abortions specifically:
- the total people in the study for "turnaway no birth" amounts to 50, with no "race" having more than 21 participants in the category.
- miscarriages differ between "race" *generally*. within a small sample size (of which only 14 were black women), attributing any observed difference to the abortion policy specifically is madness.
- earlier discussion ignores hispanic participants almost entirely, which we should not expect if we are using "innate racism" to explain observations. hispanic had the lowest rate of "turnaway no birth" participants by far, though again the sample size as small.
- hispanic miscarriage rates are also small generally, even if you stratify out the poor population to look only at that. this stuff isn't as clear cut as it looks at surface level.
- having "turnaway limits" ranging from 10w to 24w is massive. location of facilities alone can create the disparity in observed outcome.
- races are not uniform between states or especially facility locations
- the paper defines "no-birth" as either miscarriage or "later abortion". anybody turned away at one 10w limit facility could easily be "no birth"...*legally*.
- finally, whether the outcomes are best for white (~50% no-birth) vs hispanic (~15% no-birth) depends on who you ask and on your overall opinion about whether and when abortions should be legal. black women fell between those in this particular sample.
if someone is pro-life, they might claim that more hispanic babies were saved than white, and thus this policy is biased against white women, using the same rationale as was used earlier in the thread. they would be no more correct, but also no less correct.
regardless, demonstrating cause has a burden of evidence with the assertion. if you expect people to at least broadly accept attribution of cause, that evidence has to support it.
Uh huh. And what here is the difference in population, and what here is the mechanism acting to cause a different outcome?
it would be useful if you asked these questions sooner, and more useful still if you realize you haven't actually answered them here, ever. this quote is literally claiming causation...and using observed disparities with no demonstrated causal connection to the policy. if you want to claim cause...show the causal relationship. and i mean actually show it, not simply grab an apparently disparate outcome with any number of potential causes and claim the policy in question is necessarily the cause because reasons or w/e.