Update XI - Years 751-755 AD
Foreword:
In hindsight, this decade was perhaps the most important part of the century, inasmuch as all over the world it witnessed culminations to grand, long-standing wars that had defined this age from its very start. In the New World, a lengthy period of warfare had concluded, and a new order began to emerge; in the Mediterranean, the old Holy War sped towards an apocalyptic conclusion; and in the Far East, the domineering Tibetan Empire entered another war, but perhaps has not anticipated the sheer range of enemies willing to attack it.
Aside from that, this time was notable for peace treaties and domestic reforms; as the world-wide fire converged on the key locations, other parts of the world only now began to heal their wounds. On a wholly accidental note,
Domestic Events:
In the wake of the War of Coban Succession, the Zapotec and Mayan worlds were both greatly restructured. Vucub of Dainzu and Coba, the biggest winner of the war, set about to reorganise his vastly-expanded empire, which for the first time in millenias managed to unify all of the Mayan world and more. Needless to say, even with Vucubs skilled carrot-and-stick policies, keeping such a large and diverse empire together promised to be a difficult task. In the meantime, the Zaachilans kept looking demonstratively away from Zapotecia and towards the Andes, where they had growing trade interests. As to the remnants of the Zapotec kingdom, a new King (2-Shield) rose from one of the aristocratic houses after the extinction of the defeated dynasty; 2-Shield soon founded a new capital, Pacaltula, on the grounds granted to him by the local rulers. His power was in some regards even less than that of the previous dynasty, but on the other hand the region he rules now is generally more tightly-knit, both due to its smaller size and because of the lingering, unifying animosity towards Vucub.
Having somehow survived over those years, the Eldslanders saw their situation stabilise in all regards. With the population re-growing quickly enough, and the economy at least partially restored, expansion was renewed as lands to the immediate east of Nya Reykjavik were claimed.
Concerned with the apparent deterioration of Caerix power, the powers behind Telamondessos Suessus VIs throne negotiated and implemented a series of reforms aimed at saving the realm. The lesser nobility, previously disaffected, was granted assorted new rights and privileges and thus largely placated, while the reformists within the Kosmotigrano Caeri succeeded in distancing, though not officially separating, the Church from the Crown under the leadership of a newly-appointed Kadjorix who assumed the ecclesiastical functions of his predecessor (+1 Confidence). In the meantime, a new War Council was assembled, in the conditions of an escalating war (see Military Events).
Desperate to reinforce their faltering military strength, the Tarekids established a system of blood tax in the newly-conquered northern lands, taking young children from the families there and training them as elite warriors reserves for the Ankhed system. Needless to say, this new introduction had provided a fresh pretext for rebellion that never stopped simmering. In the meantime, a crackdown on the few remaining Hellenic merchants in Iberia and Mauretania occurred.
Conrad III rose to power in Thuringia. His immediate efforts to reconcile the monarchy with the feudals and to assist the common populace had resulted in him being much more popular than his two predecessors (+1 Living Standards, +2 Confidence). Still, internal cohesiveness remained quite low.
The Danes consolidated their rule over Vendelia, integrating it easily enough. At the same time, they also worked to literally fortify their presence in the Lower Oder region.
Much to the relief of the natives, the Odrysans turned their Arecoman conquests over to the Hellenes.
The Kyrgys continued to steadily integrate nearby Buddhist tribes (+5 levy regiments).
Elu III, the new Emperor of Samarkand, managed to carry out his ascension to the throne in a very subtle and adroit manner, moving on to introduce several reforms that led to a greater merging of temple and state bureaucracies, and sorted out the precise rights and privileges of assorted tribes and feudals, stabilising the empire somewhat despite occasional uprisings (see Military Events).
General Tagra Lukong claimed the Tibetan throne after his predecessors somewhat suspicious death (-1 Tibetan Confidence). While his lack of imperial lineage proved an additional problem, the traditional aristocracy was somewhat assuaged by his immediate marrying Princess Dronmalon. Certain other groups and factions saw this as a welcome opportunity for rebellion, however (see Military Events)
The completion of Guanglings (and East Asias) general economic recovery after the shocks induced by previous wars and catastrophes coincided fortuitiously with several beneficient reforms and other state measures in the Republic, including a new extensive and well-funded educational program, had led the country to a golden age and the present government to immense popularity (+1 Guanglingese Confidence).
Economic integration and reconstruction of Jomonese Korea proceeded apace.
Much further east, the Jomonese established control over yet another Polynesian-held island, this time building a fairly significant harbour from which to launch further expeditions. Those expeditions cost Jomon two good ships complete with some of its finest crews (-2 Jomonese ships), but thus far bore limited fruit. While the rest of the Izu Oshima archipelago was explored and trade contact was established with native tribes on the eastern isles, beyond that little was discovered except for empty oceans, tiny islands and a long, mostly-barren shore far to the east.
International Events:
The War of Coban Sucession finally petered out now (along the lines of uti possidetis, for the most part), King Vucub being both tired and content with his gains and his enemies being too weak to threaten his empire just yet.
After lengthy preparations, the Hibernians launched a grand naval commercial and diplomatic expedition to the south, trading in Tarekid ports (much to the Caerixian chagrin, and the Hibernian short-term profit (+1 banked eco.)) and only turning back at the foreboding Cape Bojador. A full trade agreement with the Amsurate was yet to be negotiated.
Without much hassling, Gothlands war-time divisions were formalised with minimal adjustments and recognised by the three powers involved, that is Thuringia, Danelaw and Langobardia, in the Treaty of Stade.
The Danes sent out numerous embassies to southern and eastern Europe along assorted trade routes, establishing diplomatic contact with the polities of the former and increasing commercial and diplomatic influence over the tribes, cities and statelets in the latter.
The Helleno-Ligurian Treaty of Apoikia [1] was signed, the Ligurian conquest of southern Latin Italy being formally recognised by the Hellenes in exchange for the recognition of their ownership of Taras and the surrounding regions.
The Akkadians proclaimed a new Dagra, gathering a large army of the faithful to their banners (+30 levy regiments).
In a somewhat anticlimactic conclusion to the brief Akkadian-Sitivasan War, the Treaty of Sohar saw the Sitivasans retreat from most of their recent gains in Iran, but keep two-thirds of former Magan, while a rump state is restored around the capital of Sohar.
In the meantime, the Sitivasans also sent a grand embassy to Fukushima, hoping to establish proper diplomatic contact and open cultural and technological exchange.
Military Events:
The Chalchitlanis made a new push to the northwest, overwhelming the tribes there after some light fighting.
(-1 Chalchitlani regiment)
Although most of Vendelia surrendered peacefully after the capitals fall and Gorms coronation as king of the Geats and Svears, some jarls continued a stubborn resistance. Needless to say, they did not end well; the Torrsvikings seized stronghold after stronghold until Vendelia was united under Gorm.
(-1 Danish regiment, -1 Danish Torrsviking regiment)
The Singidunians launched a sudden series of attacks against the Agade Dag Helleno-Illyrian city-states of the Adriatic coast. The important religious centre of Colchinium [2] fell to a well-planned sneak night attack, but elsewhere the attackers soon bogged down into siege warfare. Still, over time and despite losses to disease and in bloody assaults, the Singidunians managed to take two more cities and besiege the remaining Illyrian centres, hindered largely by their utter inability of actually stopping the supplies and occasional reinforcements from comng in by the sea.
(-5 Singidunian regiments, -3 Singidunian levy regiments)
And now we come to the main conflict of this century; the great Holy War that raged around the Western Mediterranean and Red seas and now, after many decades of open and hidden, general and specific fighting, finally promised to bring about a clear and decisive resolution. With the ominous fall of Arecomos and the apparent demise of His Eminence, it finally appeared as if an ultimate and thorough victory for the disciples of the path of Akkadian Purity was possible. The crowned heads and military chiefs of Agadedom were exultant; their plans grew bold and ambituous as a new world promised to take place. Grand proclamations were made, great fleets and armies were gathered, and as Ashas followers steadily lost ground new pieces were brought into the play by Hellenic diplomacy and other designs. Verily, victory was in sight. But while things already seemed bright in the throne rooms, on the battlefield things were less clear and decidedly more difficult. This was, after all, not a minor and limited conflict; this was a total war, and so, as it sped towards the total annihilation of one side or the other, it only got worse and worse.
Firstly we will deal with the war in Western Mediterranean and, as it were, in southwestern Europe. There, the first obvious oddity of this stage of the war would be the virtual concession of the naval war to the Agade Dag armada; apparently frightened by their previous defeats, the Ashaists withdrew their fleet to guard the Tartessian Straits [3]. The only exception was that of the Numidians, but predictably enough their weak fleet was easily crushed when it attempted to relieve the blockade of Ulasis. The implications of this were clear enough the Agade Dag forces and their allies were granted unlimited naval supremacy, and so an overwhelmingly superior strategic situation. Their ambituous plans were now able to go into action essentially unhindered, while the Ashaists were put firmly on the defense. In the Mediterranean, this meant that the Graeco-Ligurian overkill of an invasion of Sardinia went without any trouble whatsoever, though the local militias did try and fight back at first (most of the survivors simply went home or into hiding after being routed). Subsequently, the Hellenes attacked, sacked and razed the major Numidian city-state and trade port of Bgayet (+1 Hellenic banked eco.). This and the final surrender of Ulasis not much later marked the end of an organised loyalist resistance; the city-states withdrew their respective militaries from the fight, although only a few actually surrendered to Gabes and Heraklion; the political status of the cities to the west was quite undecided. Krim, the ruler of Skikda (previously a relatively unremarkable city) was able to emerge in a particularly strong position after this; trading with both sides to take advantage of the vacuum of commercial power that came after the blockade of Ulasis and the destruction of Bgayet (which he incidentally annexed and rebuilt), he not only led his city to unprecedented prosperity, but also managed to attain a great degree of informal influence in eastern (Gabesian or Hellenic) and western (Free) Numidia alike. That much was, however, largely irrelevant for now; what mattered most was that the Numidian theatre was for all the purposes closed.
Therefore the wars focus now moved definitely to the northwest. There, many things were going on; perhaps most notably, the Caerixians re-entered the war with the Tarekids, pledging the liberation of Teutonrix and dispatching an expedition to northwestern Iberia. While much of interest was transpiring in Iberia, the events north of the Pyrhenees ought not to be neglected either. There, the Caerixians joined by the Picts attacked Burgundsrich from the north, while the Ligurians and the Lughenburgers pressed on in even greater force from the east. All Burgundian attempts at uniting a viable field army were thwarted easily enough; the defenders were outmatched in all regards. Vinshausen, the capital, was promptly besieged by the Ligurians; its walls were sapped and a subsequent assault, though certainly very bloody, was also succesful. The Caerixians, in the meantime, overran the northern borderlands and the coastlands, massacring any open Ashaists they found in the captured settlements and forcing the remaining loyalist Burgundian forces (led by the surviving Prince Theodorich) to flee south, into former Brukterland. The victors elected to first solidify control over the conquered territories (methodically sieging the resistive castles), and only subsequently moved their forces to join the main battle on the other side of the Pyrenees; that said, the Ligurians soon had to divert a fraction of their army to the defense of their homeland, as the Langhobards, emboldened by the absence of the regular Ligurian army, launched an opportunistic attack hoping to seize Belesova itself. The difficult terrain and the tough resistance of the militias had greatly delayed the Langobardian progress, bloodying the army appreciably. The northern city of Arthuva was mostly razed; from there, the Langobards proceeded to secure several nearby mountain passes before moving on to Belesova. The attackers had both underestimated the quantity and quality of Ligurian feudal levies that had been able to gather at the capital by the time of their approach, and neglected the fact that Belesova was one of the most formidable fortresses in Europe while they themselves lacked any but the most basic siege equipment. Though the Ligurian field army was ultimately beaten and forced to retreat, all four assault attempts on Belesova were hideous, costly failures. The Langobards had no choice but to settle down for a lengthy siege, albeit the Ligurians themselves were unable to break through the mountain passes to relieve their (fortunately well-supplied) capital. This situation lasted to at least 755.
In Iberia itself, the Ashaists finally took some action. While the Burgundians prepared to defend their southern strongholds to the last in the north, the south saw the Tarekids gather forces from all over the Amsurate. In the east, more limited Odrysan raids occurred, aiming at the Tarekid countryside but avoiding any military positions; the Tarekids, meanwhile, launched raids to harry the Hellenic army further north. Said army proceeded through the difficult terrain of Brukterland; although assisted by several unbroken Brukter clans (+10 Hellenic levy regiments), the Hellenes still bogged down in siege warfare, slowly rooting out the Burgundian feudals. A far more dramatic upset to the Ashaists came in the northwest. First, a popular leader emerged amongst the Teutons; this Kalamon, a former petty noble, had gradually rallied a significant force around him. After conquering the fealty of the villages in northern Teutonia by putting an end to the rampant banditry there, he also proceeded to either co-opt or destroy most competing warlords and finally raised the banner of rebellion against the Tarekids and Numidians. The former were loathed for their blood tax, the latter for their colonialism, and neither possessed much effective, lasting power in the area; although the Tarekids, rightly suspecting a Caerixian invasion to be in the works, did move additional forces to the area, these were unable to put an end to Kalamons reign in the countryside. And in the meantime the Caerixians did come; thanks to the anarchy in the Numidian-occupied regions, they encountered minimal resistance as they seized Vigo and made it their base of operations in Iberia. Soon after, Kalamons troops carried out a series of attacks, quickly and efficiently dispatching the Tarekid garrisons in the north. While the Caerixians secured the coast and routed the hastily-redeployed Tarekid forces in the western Tagus Valley, Kalamon focused on taking over the central north, clashing with the local Burgundian feudals as well. Despite their stubborn resistance and their numerous fortifications, the Burgundians found themselves utterly outnumbered and surrounded; with Ligurian and Caerixian forces coming in from beyond the Pyrenees as well, castle after castle fell, though it was only in 755 that the last of Burgundian resistance collapsed. By then, the Hellenes have moved their bloodied army into the Tagus Valley; there, fighting was more difficult and intense, but also more quick and resultative. The Tarekid offensives against the Odrysans (who were thankfully poorly-suited for defensive warfare, and so were forced to fall back to the northeast somewhat) were soon overridden in importance by the eastwards Caerixian offensive and the sudden Hellenic incursions. The Tarekids reacted quickly enough; in the Battle of Getafe, the Hellenes were defeated badly by the overwhelming hordes of Tarekid cavalry and camelry, Archelus himself barely avoiding capture. Amsur Ithars forces had no time to pursue the Greeks, though; instead they hurried west, where, again, superior numbers and superior use of cavalry allowed them to triumph over the Caerixians at Leuca. Control over the Tagus Valley was subsequently reestablished; the campaign ended with the recapture of Alisib. Nonetheless, the Tarekids were unable to advance further north, especially as Kalamons troops covered the Caerixian retreat. In 755, having regrouped his forces and joined them with Jeno IVs Odrysans, Archelus made it known that he was far from out of the game; this newly-joined army was able to defeat a Tarekid army at Rakana, proceeding to besiege the nearby city of Crathia [4], while lesser Odrysan cavalry raids renewed their terror in the countryside. Still, the Tarekids continued to hold up admirably where possible. Even if the wars outcome here was still clear-cut, it still was going to be difficult for Archelus and his cohorts.
As to the war in the east, it was at the same time more straightforward (in the supposed main battlefield of Najjaria) and a good deal more confusing (everywhere else); this was because both sides have to conclusion that, while important, Najjaria was most certainly not vital and decided to turn it into more of a diversion. Still, a war is a war, and so joint Nubian and Khalidid forces successfully attacked the central section of the Najjarian wall, moving from there to besiege Ariha, the Najjarian capital. By this point the Akkadians had gathered up a large host to the north; it rolled southwards, and although the Nubians had prepared a rudimentary line of contravallation the Akkadians and their Najjarian allies were able to raise the siege and badly batter the Nubians, who only managed to retreat southwards with great difficulty. To make matters worse, even as the Akkadians chased the Khalidids out of their gains in eastern Najjaria, the Hellenes struck in Northern Africa. First, a major Greek uprising (+5 Hellenic levy regiments) allowed them to land in and reclaim Cyrene with relatively little difficulty, albeit subsequently they had to deal with pestering Ashaist Libyan raids from the south. Although the much-hoped-for Agade Dag revolt in Karung itself was abortive and quickly so (the Nubians having taken lots of precautions against just that), it and the Cyrenean invasion distracted the Nubians considerably while Lord-Archon Nikephoros forces landed just to the west of Sinai. Albeit the swampy terrain, combined with immense logistical troubles, proved a very major hindrance to the nearly all-cavalry force, the Hellenes still were able to wreck havoc upon their enemys Asiatic supply routes; this much was enough to nail the coffin of the second Ashaist invasion of Najjaria, as the Akkadians used the opportunity to attack and crush the Nubians at Gaza; this time, the main body of the Nubian army failed to get away, and instead was whittled down by the Akkadian Turk Cavalry while retreating through the Sinai Desert. Apart from a few hold outs in the west of the Sinai Peninsula, the Nubians were expelled from the Levant by 753.
As a sidenote, with inadequate Akkadian support and the redeployment of the remaining Arabic Agade Dag forces to Najjaria, the Ur Gulf coastlands of Arabia fell to the Khalidid Raisdom before the end of 752.
In the meantime, having caused some more havoc in northern Karung, Nikephoros force headed south along the Red Sea, sacking the ports along the way. Although the first sacks went surprisingly well, the main prize, the wealthy port city of Suakin, saw the increasingly rag-tag and generally deteriorated (after marching through swamp and lifeless desert with minimal supplies for over a year) Hellenic army get beaten back by the urban militia and the sizeable garrison force that might have been redeployed from elsewhere. The surviving Hellenic forces, much reduced by the defeat and the subsequent pursuits (the Harbic feudal camelry being ideal for dealing with the cavalry), were only barely able to limp to Kohaita, whre they linked up with the Akkadians.
As to how the Akkadians got there, this is a strange and unexplained matter, but many Nubian officials (not exactly known for their sympathy for the thieving Hindu scum, given the millennium-old bad blood between the two civilisations) later pointed towards the fact that the Akkadians could only have come out of a nearby Bahulatvan trade colony, and that some sort of conspiracy was in the works. Either way, a sizeable elite Akkadian detachment had, in 753, lashed out at Nubias imperial centre, taking the port cities of Mersa Fatma and Adulis before moving in for the kill and capturing Kohaita. Although the latter was remarkably better-defended, the defenders still were mere militias, and while the Akkadians had suffered major losses it still was a success; the emperor had fled, but the treasury had been seized (1 banked eco. from Nubia to Akkad, -1 Nubian Bureaucracy, Confidence, Trade). Even though additional levied troops were sent there, the Akkadians proceeded to secure several other nearby cities, effectively occupying a nigh-invulnerable position as key mountain passes were secured. Some northwestwards advances were made as well, but the Hellenic experience and the mounting resistance kept the Akkadians from trying to attack Suakin.
Yet ironically enough, at that very time a Nubian expeditionary force was on a rampage in the Eternal Empires own heartlands. Taking advantage of the dramatic damage incurred on the Akkadian Ur Gulf fleet in the war with Sitivasas, the Nubian armada easily swept aside what naval detachments dared oppose them and, as the rest hid in the harbours, delivered the Nubians to the shores of Mesopotamia. After struggling through the marshes, the Nubians besieged and seized Ur, proceeding to attack the Great Desert Wall from the Akkadian side to allow the Khalidids to break through. Although the latter were not particularily ready to exploit the opportunity (made all the more fortuitious by the relative sparseness of the overstretched Akkadian troops), they still were able to reinforce the Nubians as they seized Uruk. By this point the Akkadians noticed the invasion, panicked and hurried to organise the defenses at Nippur; considerable forces were pulled out from other locations (including the Great Desert Wall itself) to reinforce the holy city, and the citizens were mobilised. Still, the initial army was eventually forced to retreat from Nippur after three days of fighting on its outskirts, though the Nubians themselves were weakened considerably and unable to either pursue the army or storm the city. A larger Akkadian army was gathered with troops from the west, and in 755 the drawn-out siege of Nippur was lifted in a decisive action, though the Khalidids had arrived just in time to help fight a later counterattack towards Uruk to a grinding halt.
To sum up, even as remarkable success was achieved by the Agade Dag forces in many theatres, both the Tarekid Amsurate and the Nubian Empire still had a lot of fight left in them. The decades conclusion promised to be either very bloody or terribly anticlimactic
(-8 Caerixian regiments, -4 Caerixian SirlenKenget regiments, -6 Caerixian levy regiments, -2 Teutonrixian regiments, -5 Teutonrixian levy regiments, -8 Tarekid regiments, -21 Tarekid levy regiments, -5 Tarekid Ankhed regiments, -4 Ligurian regiments, -3 Ligurian Sons of Belenu regiments, -4 Ligurian levy regiments, -9 Langobardian regiments, -7 Odrysan regiments, -7 Hellenic regiments, -3 Hellenic Archelian Guard regiments, -16 Hellenic levy regiments, -Numidia as a coherent political entity, -11 Nubian regiments, -4 Nubian Chisulo regiments, -14 Nubian levy regiments, -2 Nubian ships, -7 Akkadian regiments, -5 Akkadian Turk Cavalry regiments, -22 Akkadian levy regiments, -7 Akkadian ships, -Burgundsrich as a nation, -1 Pictish regiment, -8 Lughenburger regiments, -5 Najjarian regiments, -4 Najjarian levy regiments, -10 Khalidid regiments, -9 Khalidid levy regiments)