The following is the essay which won the Rio de Janeiro Students of History Prize in 1987, written by Brazilian student Selton Mello
Why did Democracy Almost Fail in Spain?
The history of Spanish democracy in the early 20th century is well known to us Brazilians. Despite being enemies for most of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries most citizens of Brazil earnestly hoped for many years that eventually Spain would see the light and reform. And, for some time from 1890 to 1916 they did. However, soon, Spanish democracy almost fell to the forces of militarism and autocracy. The common causes of the General's Coup are well known - militarism, dissatisfaction with losing the Great War, bad economic conditions from punitive reparations, and the desire for revenge against functionally everyone in Europe. However, these causes only go back to the Great War. To truly understand why democracy almost failed in Spain, we must go back to its original institution, before even 1890, back to 1865.
In 1865, Spain was undisputedly the most powerful nation in the world. It had an empire upon which the sun never set, the most powerful army in Europe, and a network of alliances that ensured its hegemony across the world. It had humbled it's main rivals, the United Kingdom and Brazil, in the War of the American Presidency, secured for itself North Africa and Egypt in a war against the Caliphate, and had even gained the Holy Land. Truly, the Spanish Empire seemed unstoppable. But it was here that its decay truly began.
The Empire of Spain was, at this point, an extremely traditional society. Until only recently it had been the Holy Empire of Spain, a theocratic absolute monarchy. The nobility and aristocracy still held great power, and the Emperor was still the first and only ruler of the country, behold to no one but God. It had been a bastion of the Reaction and conservatism for years, and had helped crush the first Italian nation. However, the Emperor, Carlos VI, had some liberal tendencies. In 1861, Carlos began reforming the government and creating an Imperial Congress for the nation, staffed at this point almost entirely by the aristocracy. The Imperial Congress had some power - they were able to pass laws, though these were subject to veto by the Emperor, who appointed them, could dismiss them at any time, and could pass laws of his own without permission from the Congress. The aristocracy were unhappy with this, though they tolerated it due to the power it gave them and the immense popularity of Emperor Carlos - any action against him would end in the army coming in to destroy them. They were even more furious, though still incapable of action, when Carlos continued to reform the Congress, opening up some seats to election for the wealthier middle class. The aristocracy continued to fume until Carlos' death in 1869, when they finally took action against his nominated heir.
Carlos nominated his son, Phillip IX, as heir to the throne. Phillip, however, was a noted liberal and openly had plans to expand the franchise and the number of elected seats in the Congress. The nobles, fearing what would happen when the camel got his nose in the tent, openly stated that Phillip was illegitimate, and that the rightful heir was Phillip's brother, who they named Carlos VII. When Phillip ordered their arrest, they fled Madrid to Andalusia, where they marshalled up their supporters for war. Large sections of the army, led by aristocratic officers, mutinied against Phillip and joined the aristocrats. This was the beginning of the First Spanish Civil War, which erupted in 1869. The aristocrats marched for Madrid, preparing to end the 'godless Liberal' threat to Spain for all time. The sides were set - the Liberals, who supported Phillip, and the reactionary Carolians, who supported Carlos. Even the colonies erupted into war. Cuba was wracked by a three-way conflict between Liberals, Carolians and separatists. The african colonies were the scene of brutal guerilla warfare, and India was devastated by the immense armies that the Rajas raised to fight each other for greater concessions from their benefactors, be they Carolian or Liberal. The war was immense, and brother fought brother, though, in the end, the larger part of the Imperial Army, the dedication of Phillip to build the Suez canal and gain the support of the colonies, and the support of the common people allowed the Liberals to defeat the Carolians and drive them from the Empire. Many Carolians fled to the last bastion of Carolian support, the Viceroyalty of Peru, where they established themselves and helped push through the independence of Peru - the first King was a noted Carolian, and a distant cousin of Phillip. However, despite the loss of Peru, Emperor Phillip was able to reign undisputed over the Empire.
The Civil War devastated Spain. Many of the cities of central Spain and Andalusia were devastated by the war. The peasantry, long a bastion of conservatism and reaction, suffered greatly during the war at the hands of the urban Liberals and their forces. Many peasants abandoned their homes and their families to fight against the 'godless Phillip the Bastard.', leaving them in devastation when they were killed and the Liberals rolled through their villages. Phillip was greatly disliked for this among much of the Spanish peasantry. The Spanish economy was devastated, as many investors and industrialists were Liberals who invested huge amounts of their money into the war effort, and gained little financial compensation in return. The Emperor put some thought into these matters, and greatly assisted the recovery, however, the Spanish economy was still held back years. Most of Phillip's real legacy, however, is his political reforms. Over the next 16 years, Phillip continued to reduce the number of seats in the Imperial Congress that were hereditary or appointed, until by 1888, all the seats in Spain were elected in some way or another by the wealthy - what noted Proletarist Pablo Iglesias called 'the Grand Plutocracy.' The Plutocrat Congress, as many reactionaries, peasants, and Proletarists called it, was, however, staffed by liberals and reformists. Backed by Emperor Phillip, they then pushed through the Spanish Constitution of 1890, which ushered in universal male suffrage for all, be they urban, peasant, plutocrat or noble. This was the last straw for the remaining aristocrats. They were moderates as nobles went, on some level - they had stayed neutral or close to it during the Civil War, or had joined the Liberals. They were prepared to deal with the Plutocrat Congress, as long as the 'excesses of the common man' were kept in check. But the allowance of all men to vote sent them into a frenzy, and they rose up to install another Emperor on the Spanish throne under the command of Juan Vasquez de Mella. The Nobles Revolt had begun, as much of Andalusia once again was occupied by angry, reactionary peasants egged on by the Aristocratic commanders.
The chaos was only compounded by the Proletarists. They had long been speaking of the 'decay of capitalism' and the Plutocratic Congress was, to them, the final stage before the grand Proletarist revolution. Led by Pablo Iglesias, they rose up in Madrid, declaring the Madrid Commune that was the first step in the global Proletarist Revolution. Phillip and the Congress were forced to flee Madrid for Barcelona, where they waited out the remainder of the Revolt. The Madrid commune lasted for all of two months until it was crushed by the Spanish Army, which then turned its attention to the peasants and few cavalry divisions set up by the Nobles. Unlike the Civil War, this time the rebels were easily crushed - the entirety of the army was composed of loyalists, as it had been purged after the Civil War, and the funding that the aristocrats had provided was insufficient to provide the armies of peasants with proper equipment. It is important to note that Miguel Primo de Rivera's father, Ferdinand Primo de Rivera, was a part of the Nobles Revolt and squandered his newly inherited funds on it, leaving him with nothing at the end of the revolt but wounded pride and hostility towards the Imperial Congress and Emperor Phillip.
The Nobles Revolt broke the back of the Spanish reactionary movement. They had been crushed decisively by the might of Emperor Phillip and his Liberal ambitions. However, Phillip, or, to be more accurate, the Imperial Congress, now ruled over a browbeaten and damaged nation. Spain's economy had been damaged again during the Madrid Commune, and though it recovered swiftly, it had slowed down growth enough for other nations to catch up. More importantly, Spain had accepted democracy at the barrel of a gun twice. It had never asked for it, and was, in many ways, unready for it. The old conservative and reactionary traditions ran strong through Spain, particularly in its peasantry and rural population. The children of the aristocrats grew up with no money, no political power, but a large amount of pride and resentment passed on from their fathers. The power of Emperor Phillip IX kept them in check for some time, but he died in 1902 and his son, Phillip X rose to power.
Phillip X was never a supporter of his father's democratisation - the fathers of many of his confidants were participants in the Nobles Revolt, and he associated with the old aristocracy more than his father did. If anything, much of his career was an attempt to be apolitical - he was regarded as a wastrel and a scoundrel. Indeed, the Imperial Congress was extremely pleased with him - Felipe Sanchez Roman, Prime Minister in 1904, once privately named him 'the greatest Emperor we ever could have. He wants nothing and expects nothing from us - he only demands his tribute of alcohol and women.' However, while accurate at the start of Phillip X's reign, this soon became less true. The Emperor grew into a cunning, calculating man as the rigours of the Great War grew on him. More particularly, he grew into a vicious opportunist, who was noted for his ability to triage and seize opportunities when they came.
The aristocrats did what aristocrats always do - triage, buckle down, and join the army. The aristocrats of '69 fought within the army. Their children fought against it in 1890. But their grandchildren joined the army, and made it their own once more. However, the army never wielded extensive political power, although the Communion Tradicional Espanola was receptive to its positions, and went into the Great War on its recommendations.
The rest is history. Spain was defeated in the Great War by Brazil, America, Japan and Britain. They had imposed upon them punitive reparations, forcing the Spanish to print money to pay them, which lead to mass inflation. Poor economic conditions in a depressed Spain, as well as perceived weakness, led to unrest in the remaining colonies. The Language Crisis of 1910 hurt the Congress, humiliating them further and making the Indians more demanding of independence, which the Liberales granted. The continuing depression and the badly managed, though recently ended, colonial conflicts in Algeria and Egypt led the military to revolt, and led by the Generals Mola, Cesar, and Mosquardo, marched on Madrid and couped the Liberal government. Phillip X switched sides almost immediately and declared for the military, and the liberals fled to Valencia to marshall their forces. The Second Spanish Civil War had begun.
The military was staffed by the children of the aristocrats, and those who marched on Madrid were the grandsons and heirs of the aristocrats of 1869. They were the children of the moderate rebels of 1890, but as far as they were concerned, their fathers were foolish moderates who merely wanted a return to plutocracy. But their grandfathers were the real heroes. Growing up without the respect they felt was due to their station, many of which impoverished like the de Riveras or General Cesar, they hungered for a return to glory. A generation of humiliation and perceived demotion was eager for revenge against the democrats and the liberals. So when Mola marched on Madrid, they eagerly took their units and joined him.
Worse still, the units themselves quickly complied. The Spanish military was based on the deeply conservative and traditional peasantry. Many of them eagerly joined the rebels of 1890, due to their belief that liberalism and democracy were the 'godless tools of satan' and they were so used to following their aristocrats in many things. The peasantry never wanted democracy - it was forced on them from the top down by Carlos VI and Phillip IX, sometimes against their wishes but frequently their apathy. As far as they were concerned, democracy brought them nothing but civil conflict, the Great War, and hyperinflation. So when they saw an opportunity to march against the Republicans, they joined up immediately against a regime they never really wanted or understood.
Spanish democracy was inevitably doomed to conflict. From 1865, Carlos VI pushed a liberal reformist policy down Spain's throat from the top down, against a heavily entrenched aristocracy, a dominant clergy, and a reactionary peasantry. From the first democratic reform, the reaction was waiting to happen. Even without the Great War, revolution was brewing. Indeed, it cannot be said that Spanish democracy begun its decline in 1916, or even at the beginning of the Great War in 1904. Spanish democracy was in deep trouble in its cradle in 1865, and the rest of its life was waiting for a crisis. Spain is a crucial example for students of history and politics worldwide, as a case study of top down democratisation. More importantly, however, Spain's history is a warning to us all against the strife that forced democracy will cause.