JerichoHill
Bedrock of Knowledge
On topic: Bonuses should be taxable, otherwise it is an easy avoidence loophole: Don't pay people a salary at all; their remuneration becomes 100% bonus.
Bonuses are taxable.
On topic: Bonuses should be taxable, otherwise it is an easy avoidence loophole: Don't pay people a salary at all; their remuneration becomes 100% bonus.
There is no problem under the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment because the tax is rationally related to a legitimate government interest. The government interest is (1) the avoidance of extraordinary rents to companies and their employees who are being subsidized by the government in order to keep the financial system working properly; and (2) preventing improper incentives and moral hazard in subsidized companies and their employees. Even if the tax is not well designed to achieve these goals, in the sense that other alternatives might achieve the government's purposes better, the tax substantially furthers these purposes.
There is no problem under the takings clause of the Fifth Amendment. The tax does not involve the seizure of real property or an interest in real property. The tax is regulatory and for a public purpose as stated above. Such a tax may or may not be good policy but it does not constitute a taking.
There is no problem under the Ex Post Facto clause because the tax is not a criminal sanction.
There is no problem under the Contracts Clause because the Contracts Clause binds the states, and not the federal government.
Finally, there is no problem under the Bill of Attainder Clause because the tax does not single out specific individuals for punishment; in addition it is both prospective and retrospective in application. First, the tax defines the class to which it applies broadly and abstractly. It applies to persons working for enterprises that have received emergency government subsidy; it is not aimed at particular companies or specific employees. Second, the tax is for a regulatory purposes, as described above, and not for a punitive purpose. The fact that isolated members of Congress may have expressed an impermissible punitive or retributive purpose does not mean that the tax violates the Constitution if the text of the bill on its face has an overtly regulatory purpose. Third, the tax is both prospective and retrospective in its targets, which is consistent with a regulatory as opposed to a punitive purpose.
I don't know if I can argue with the rest of it, but I do have to nitpick at this:Here's some analysis from Prof. Jack Balkin (who I don't believe is on Obama's list for Justice):
I think it's pretty apparent that this is a punitive tax, given that it was passed as a populist reaction to manufactured "outrage" over the AIG bonuses.Second, the tax is for a regulatory purposes, as described above, and not for a punitive purpose.
On topic: Bonuses should be taxable, otherwise it is an easy avoidence loophole: Don't pay people a salary at all; their remuneration becomes 100% bonus.
Did the whiz kids at AIG not realize they were dealing with a party with the power to tax? Did they strike a deal to cut off the taxing power?
So did you return your stimulus check because the legislation creating it was ex post facto? How about a tax cut for income that was earned before the tax cut legislation was passed? Also, the law targets more than just AIG executives.Dodd is a member of that party and the deal to cut off taxing power is in the Constitution - no ex post fact legislation and no bills of attainder. Maybe y'all can clue us in on why those words actually mean Congress can do both, I dont see it.
I don't know if I can argue with the rest of it, but I do have to nitpick at this:
I think it's pretty apparent that this is a punitive tax, given that it was passed as a populist reaction to manufactured "outrage" over the AIG bonuses.
Here's some analysis from Prof. Jack Balkin (who I don't believe is on Obama's list for Justice):
There is no problem under the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment because the tax is rationally related to a legitimate government interest.
The government interest is (1) the avoidance of extraordinary rents to companies and their employees who are being subsidized by the government in order to keep the financial system working properly
(2) preventing improper incentives and moral hazard in subsidized companies and their employees. Even if the tax is not well designed to achieve these goals, in the sense that other alternatives might achieve the government's purposes better, the tax substantially furthers these purposes.
There is no problem under the takings clause of the Fifth Amendment. The tax does not involve the seizure of real property or an interest in real property.
The tax is regulatory and for a public purpose as stated above. Such a tax may or may not be good policy but it does not constitute a taking.
There is no problem under the Ex Post Facto clause because the tax is not a criminal sanction.
There is no problem under the Contracts Clause because the Contracts Clause binds the states, and not the federal government.
Finally, there is no problem under the Bill of Attainder Clause because the tax does not single out specific individuals for punishment
in addition it is both prospective and retrospective in application.
First, the tax defines the class to which it applies broadly and abstractly. It applies to persons working for enterprises that have received emergency government subsidy; it is not aimed at particular companies or specific employees.
Second, the tax is for a regulatory purposes, as described above, and not for a punitive purpose.
The fact that isolated members of Congress may have expressed an impermissible punitive or retributive purpose does not mean that the tax violates the Constitution if the text of the bill on its face has an overtly regulatory purpose. Third, the tax is both prospective and retrospective in its targets, which is consistent with a regulatory as opposed to a punitive purpose.
Unless it's DC's gun laws or Seattle's school assignments.A court can't strike down legislation that furthers a valid governmental interest simply because it would have done it differently.
Cleo
Bushit... Is this guy a liar or what? Can it be any more obvious?
Is there any fundamental right that prevents the government from making the recipients of the bailout cash from undergoing a series of tests (riddles, puzzles, tests of faith - you know, all the usual stuff) to determine their worthiness? I'm just trying to determine at what point of absurdity and incredulity does a law have to reach before a court might realistically strike it down.I understand that the law in part serves the purpose of expressing popular outrage at the AIG execs (though I'd argue that the outrage is real), Congress passed the law that Congress passed, which states that "in order to keep people from simply cashing in on the bailouts, we're going to tax bonus payments from companies receiving bailout money." Courts can only judge the constitutionality of the law as its written (or applied).
Keeping people from cashing in on the bailouts (i.e., Balkin's "preventing moral hazard") is a valid government objective and taxing bonus payments does help to achieve that. Maybe you think that it's an inefficient way to do that, but courts can't strike down a piece of legislation because it doesn't achieve its objectives as efficiently as other legislation might. Where you're not talking about some kind of fundamental right, courts are very deferential to legislatures. A court can't strike down legislation that furthers a valid governmental interest simply because it would have done it differently.
Cleo
You can place the point of absurdity pretty farout there if you are absorbing the slap of the invisible hand for an institution cutting and running from the free market.I'm just trying to determine at what point of absurdity and incredulity does a law have to reach before a court might realistically strike it down.
The reasoning the Court applies to uphold the statute in this case guarantees that all retroactive tax laws will henceforth be valid. To pass constitutional muster the retroactive aspects of the statute need only be "rationally related to a legitimate legislative purpose." Ante, at 9. Revenue raising is certainly a legitimate legislative purpose, see U. S. Const., Art. I, §8, cl. 1, and any lawthat retroactively adds a tax, removes a deduction, or increases a rate rationally furthers that goal. I welcome this recognition that the Due Process Clause does not prevent retroactive taxes, since I believe that the Due Process Clause guarantees no substantive rights, but only (as it says) process, see TXO Production Corp. v. Alliance Resources Corp., 509 U. S. ___, ___ (1993) (slip op., at 2) (Scalia, J., concurring in judgment).
I see, so justice applies applies equally to all people, unless their bankers, in which case we can replace it with a cunning invisible hand metaphor.You can place the point of absurdity pretty farout there if you are absorbing the slap of the invisible hand for an institution cutting and running from the free market.
The AIG bankers haven't had to pee in a cup yet, so they are more equal than some welfare recipients in that respect already.I see, so justice applies applies equally to all people, unless their bankers, in which case we can replace it with a cunning invisible hand metaphor.
Is there any fundamental right that prevents the government from making the recipients of the bailout cash from undergoing a series of tests (riddles, puzzles, tests of faith - you know, all the usual stuff) to determine their worthiness? I'm just trying to determine at what point of absurdity and incredulity does a law have to reach before a court might realistically strike it down.