RedRalph
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Well, the last time Chine underwent a large social upheaval, it ended in its fragmentation and decades long civil war, so I wouldn't be so sure.
Srsly? Ever heard of Mao?
Well, the last time Chine underwent a large social upheaval, it ended in its fragmentation and decades long civil war, so I wouldn't be so sure.
A superpower is a state with a leading position in the international system and the ability to influence events and its own interests and project power on a worldwide scale to protect those interests; it is traditionally considered to be one step higher than a great power. Alice Lyman Miller (Professor of National Security Affairs at the Naval Postgraduate School), defines a superpower as "a country that has the capacity to project dominating power and influence anywhere in the world, and sometimes, in more than one region of the globe at a time, and so may plausibly attain the status of global hegemon."[1] It was a term first applied in 1944 to the United States, the Soviet Union, and the British Empire. Following World War II, as the British Empire transformed itself into the Commonwealth and its territories became independent, the Soviet Union and the United States generally came to be regarded as the only two superpowers, and confronted each other in the Cold War.
After the Cold War, the most common belief held that only the United States fulfilled the criteria to be considered a superpower,[2] although it is a matter of debate whether it is a hegemon or if it is losing its superpower status.[3] China, the European Union, India and Russia are also thought to have the potential of achieving superpower status within the 21st century.[4] Others doubt the existence of superpowers in the post Cold War era altogether, stating that today's complex global marketplace and the rising interdependency between the world's nations has made the concept of a superpower an idea of the past and that the world is now multipolar.[5][6][7][8]
CHAMPAIGN, Ill. — The United States remains a formidable but besieged global power, according to the editors of “From Superpower to Besieged Global Power: Restoring World Order After the Failure of the Bush Doctrine” (University of Georgia Press).
The new book, co-edited by Edward A. Kolodziej, the director of the Center for Global Studies at the University of Illinois, and Roger E. Kanet, a professor of international studies at the University of Miami, evaluates the extent to which the Bush Doctrine, as the rationale for the projection of American power and purpose, has succeeded in shaping world order and regional politics to reflect and support American interests and values.
The editors and contributors, drawn from 10 nations, conclude that the doctrine, detailed in the September 2002 National Security Strategy of the United States, squandered enormous military and economic resources, diminished U.S. power, undermined the nation’s reputation as a defender of democratic values and human rights, divided Americans, and gravely (but still not fatally) undermined American hard and soft power to influence world order in preferred ways.
A central explanation for the failure of American security and foreign policy under the Bush administration lies in the unfounded assumption underlying the Bush Doctrine that the United States is a superpower capable of coercing rivals and inducing allies and neutral nations to support the Bush vision of world order. The doctrine led to policies that overextended the reach of American power beyond its grasp, most obviously in Iraq and Afghanistan, but also around the globe.
Notwithstanding recent setbacks, the U.S. remains a formidable global power, one of a few states capable of significantly influencing but not dictating the trajectories of global and regional politics and the evolution of world order, the editors say.
The volume rejects the Bush administration’s unilateralist, pre-emption strategy, inspired, the editors argue, by neo-conservatives, whose championing of the United States as the world’s sole superpower dominated, until recently, the administration’s security and foreign policies.
“The book also rejects the counter liberal argument that the United States is, indeed, a superpower, which has used its material and human resources incompetently,” Kolodziej said. “According to this train of thinking, all that is needed is a better management of its soft and hard power to retain what is misguidedly assumed to be the continued superpower status of the United States.”
Finally, the authors dismiss what Kolodziej calls the declinist argument, most popular in the 1990s and still accepted by some at home and abroad, that holds that the U.S. is a quickly declining power that will be overtaken soon by China – much as Japan was once thought to be on the verge of overtaking the U.S.
“Prevailing schools of foreign policy must be rejected,” Kolodziej said, “because they err in fundamental ways about the limits and opportunities of American power. There must be a return to the proven strategies of cooperation after World War II. These resulted in the ascendancy of a strong coalition of free, democratic, market states in the Cold War – a coalition mindlessly ruptured by the misguided application of a strategic doctrine based on the assumption of American superpower omnipotence.”
U.S. power and influence are greatest when the U.S. adheres to moral norms and legal standards, and operates according to the political accords and agreements reached with other like-minded states and peoples, Kolodziej said. The latter, in cooperation with the United States, form the coalition of open, democratic, market-oriented states and peoples who arose ascendant from the Cold War struggle. It is this winning coalition that the ill-advised policies generated by the Bush Doctrine place in jeopardy.
The editors and the contributors agree that U.S. security and foreign policy must be based on understanding the limits of U.S. economic, cultural and military power to mold world order in a way that reflects American interests. They also propose ways, emphasizing the reconstitution of American power at home, as the precondition for the effective projection of American power abroad. This reversal of priorities in which domestic imperatives are privileged, will help to repair the damage that has resulted from flawed security and foreign policy decisions, a process of reorientation that will take a generation to be fully completed.
The book is the inaugural volume in the series Studies in Security and International Affairs under the aegis of the University of Georgia Press and the department of international relations at Georgia.
When it can project its power on a global level.
China doesn't have single aircraft carrier. Its influence is basically economic, and mostly focused in Asia and Africa; in Africa, it's jockeying with the EU and the US; in Asia, with India and Russia and the US.
When it can project its power on a global level.
China doesn't have single aircraft carrier. Its influence is basically economic, and mostly focused in Asia and Africa; in Africa, it's jockeying with the EU and the US; in Asia, with India and Russia and the US.
What would it take? Clearly it's an economic superpower already. what would make you consider it a superpower overall? A military that was clearly in second place? Several bases abroad? Winning some sort of face off with the USA over Taiwan/Formosa?
Chinese culture is incredibly, incerdibly influential. I cannot comprehend how you can not know this. Nearly all Asian culture has been influenced by China in some way (if not based on Chinese culture altogether). Seriously, if you arent aware of this fact, you have no business discussing China at all. I honestly didnt think anyone could be so ignorant as to how culturally important China is.
China has little naval tradition. I think the last time China had a powerful navy was in the late 15th century, and then the emperor decided that naval exploration, trade and communications was a bad idea and burned the whole fleet. I would suspect they would go the Russia route and build maybe 1-2 carriers and then rely on a missile cruisers, destroyers, nuclear submarines and helicopters. I don´t think China is really interested in building up a major carrier task force.
When people want to go to emigrate to China, then yes I'll consider it one.
Srsly? Ever heard of Mao?
, and thats not true. the last time it underwent a large social upheaval was under Mao, and it didnt fragment.the last time Chine underwent a large social upheaval, it ended in its fragmentation and decades long civil war
Winner, you said , and thats not true. the last time it underwent a large social upheaval was under Mao, and it didnt fragment.
In any case yeah undeniably China has internal problems, of course. But in actual fact when it comes to dealing with them (and when it comes to dealing with ecological problems), their government style will actually be quiote advantageous. When the willpower exists to fix these problems, the controls are there.
He's talking about the Great Leap Forward/Cultural Revolution. Whether you wish to consider that to have been anything even remotely like the same kind of upheaval as the warlord eras and interdynastic periods in Chinese history is up in the air.No, Mao was the result of this upheaval. His rule was a result of the civil war which brought him to power.
No, Mao was the result of this upheaval. His rule was a result of the civil war which brought him to power.
I don't think that having an authoritarian government is an advantage in the long term.
He's talking about the Great Leap Forward/Cultural Revolution. Whether you wish to consider that to have been anything even remotely like the same kind of upheaval as the warlord eras and interdynastic periods in Chinese history is up in the air.
Whne it comes to protection of the environment, I believe it will be. If the CCP were to decide that environmental protection was priority no 1, and nothing was to obstruct it, you damn well better believe it would happen. In countries with weaker govts, this is not the case.