Bronx Warlord
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- Joined
- Feb 23, 2004
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This is an intresting and though prevokeing speach I saw on C-SPAN and was lucky enough to find a copy of online, it talks about the war in iraq, the dissent at home and the reaction of the left. It's a bit long but definately worth the read. You'll be suprised to learn of Mr.Horowitz and his backround, he's definately not your avrage right leaning conservative.
Why We Are In Iraq
By David Horowitz|November 26, 2004
(This speech was given at Georgetown University on October 14, 2004 and broadcast on C-Span.)
My subject tonight is one that nobody really wants to talk about because nobody is really ready to confront it. It is what I call the "unholy alliance" between radical Islam and the American left, and its effect on the politics of the Democratic Party. My theme, in part, was announced by Osama bin Laden himself in one of his fatwas on al-Jazeera TV. On February 14, 2003 -- about six weeks before troops from the United States and Britain entered Iraq, bin Laden said: "The interests of Muslims and the interests of the socialists coincide in the war against the crusaders."
He was referring to the fact that, four weeks earlier, millions of leftists had poured into the streets of Europe's capitals and also into the streets of Washington and San Francisco and New York. Their goal was to prevent the United States and Britain from toppling Saddam Hussein. They chanted "no blood for oil"; they called the United States "the world's greatest terrorist state"; they called the American government an "Axis of Evil"; and they compared the American president to Adolph Hitler.
Of the two groups that organized the anti-Iraq protests, one was International ANSWER, a front group for the Worker's World party, which is a Marxist-Leninist party aligned with the Communist dictatorship in North Korea. The other -- a group the New York Times described as "moderate" -- was the Coalition United for Peace and Justice. It was led by Leslie Cagan, a veteran 60's leftist and pro-Castro enthusiast and a member of the Communist Party until after the fall of the Berlin Wall. The Coalition itself was composed of organizations that ranged from the Communist Party to Muslim supporters of the terrorists' jihad.
When the leftist protesters in America failed to save Saddam Hussein, they marched their activist troops into the Democratic presidential primary campaigns to support the candidacies of anti-war Democrats. In particular, they supported Howard Dean, who condemned America's war in Iraq and hinted that, if elected, he would make peace at the earliest possible opportunity and withdraw American forces. It was the left's rear guard attempt to produce the result that their protests had failed to accomplish: an American defeat in Iraq. With the resources of the left squarely behind him, Howard Dean was propelled to the front of the presidential pack until his nomination appeared so inevitable that just prior to the Iowa caucuses he was anointed by the titular heads of the Democratic Party, Jimmy Carter and Al Gore. So leftist had the Party become.
The moment the prospect of Dean's nomination became real, however, Democrats in the Party's hierarchy and their allies in the national media collectively flinched. The radical tone of the candidate -- not so much his agenda, which a majority had clearly been willing to embrace caused many to wonder if a nominee so overtly radical was actually electable. Within the space of a few weeks, the decision was made by editorialists, commentators, Party leaders and Party caucuses that Howard Dean simply could not be elected. The Democrats turned to a different candidate, one who had been for the war but had spoken against it under pressure from Dean's skyrocketing campaign.
One of the troubling aspects of John Kerry's candidacy was how his views on the war changed under the pressure of the polls. Here was a man who spoke in detail and at length in support of the use of force in Iraq and reversed his position on the basis of opinion polls. Here was a man who had launched his candidacy as a supporter of the war he had voted to authorize -- indeed, as a supporter of the war that had come under attack from the left. Yet when he saw the velocity of the Dean candidacy and contemplated the prospect of losing the nomination, he was willing to abandon his beliefs and join the opposition camp. On a matter of war and peace affecting the security of 300 million Americans and many millions more around the world, Kerry was willing to betray what he knew and what he had himself supported to advance his presidential ambitions.
Since I will make many negative observations about the behavior of Democrats in the War on Terror tonight, let me take a moment to honor a Democrat who didn't do that. I speak of Joe Lieberman. Joe Lieberman is -- or should be -- a Democratic hero. He was the vice-presidential nominee in the election. He should have been the presidential nominee in this one. Senator Lieberman is a man of principle who understood how vital it was to the security of the United States to take down Saddam Hussein. He did not waver from this vision and was willing to sacrifice his presidential ambitions for principle -- for the security of 300 million Americans.
Why We Are In Iraq
By David Horowitz|November 26, 2004
(This speech was given at Georgetown University on October 14, 2004 and broadcast on C-Span.)
My subject tonight is one that nobody really wants to talk about because nobody is really ready to confront it. It is what I call the "unholy alliance" between radical Islam and the American left, and its effect on the politics of the Democratic Party. My theme, in part, was announced by Osama bin Laden himself in one of his fatwas on al-Jazeera TV. On February 14, 2003 -- about six weeks before troops from the United States and Britain entered Iraq, bin Laden said: "The interests of Muslims and the interests of the socialists coincide in the war against the crusaders."
He was referring to the fact that, four weeks earlier, millions of leftists had poured into the streets of Europe's capitals and also into the streets of Washington and San Francisco and New York. Their goal was to prevent the United States and Britain from toppling Saddam Hussein. They chanted "no blood for oil"; they called the United States "the world's greatest terrorist state"; they called the American government an "Axis of Evil"; and they compared the American president to Adolph Hitler.
Of the two groups that organized the anti-Iraq protests, one was International ANSWER, a front group for the Worker's World party, which is a Marxist-Leninist party aligned with the Communist dictatorship in North Korea. The other -- a group the New York Times described as "moderate" -- was the Coalition United for Peace and Justice. It was led by Leslie Cagan, a veteran 60's leftist and pro-Castro enthusiast and a member of the Communist Party until after the fall of the Berlin Wall. The Coalition itself was composed of organizations that ranged from the Communist Party to Muslim supporters of the terrorists' jihad.
When the leftist protesters in America failed to save Saddam Hussein, they marched their activist troops into the Democratic presidential primary campaigns to support the candidacies of anti-war Democrats. In particular, they supported Howard Dean, who condemned America's war in Iraq and hinted that, if elected, he would make peace at the earliest possible opportunity and withdraw American forces. It was the left's rear guard attempt to produce the result that their protests had failed to accomplish: an American defeat in Iraq. With the resources of the left squarely behind him, Howard Dean was propelled to the front of the presidential pack until his nomination appeared so inevitable that just prior to the Iowa caucuses he was anointed by the titular heads of the Democratic Party, Jimmy Carter and Al Gore. So leftist had the Party become.
The moment the prospect of Dean's nomination became real, however, Democrats in the Party's hierarchy and their allies in the national media collectively flinched. The radical tone of the candidate -- not so much his agenda, which a majority had clearly been willing to embrace caused many to wonder if a nominee so overtly radical was actually electable. Within the space of a few weeks, the decision was made by editorialists, commentators, Party leaders and Party caucuses that Howard Dean simply could not be elected. The Democrats turned to a different candidate, one who had been for the war but had spoken against it under pressure from Dean's skyrocketing campaign.
One of the troubling aspects of John Kerry's candidacy was how his views on the war changed under the pressure of the polls. Here was a man who spoke in detail and at length in support of the use of force in Iraq and reversed his position on the basis of opinion polls. Here was a man who had launched his candidacy as a supporter of the war he had voted to authorize -- indeed, as a supporter of the war that had come under attack from the left. Yet when he saw the velocity of the Dean candidacy and contemplated the prospect of losing the nomination, he was willing to abandon his beliefs and join the opposition camp. On a matter of war and peace affecting the security of 300 million Americans and many millions more around the world, Kerry was willing to betray what he knew and what he had himself supported to advance his presidential ambitions.
Since I will make many negative observations about the behavior of Democrats in the War on Terror tonight, let me take a moment to honor a Democrat who didn't do that. I speak of Joe Lieberman. Joe Lieberman is -- or should be -- a Democratic hero. He was the vice-presidential nominee in the election. He should have been the presidential nominee in this one. Senator Lieberman is a man of principle who understood how vital it was to the security of the United States to take down Saddam Hussein. He did not waver from this vision and was willing to sacrifice his presidential ambitions for principle -- for the security of 300 million Americans.