Ask a Red III

Status
Not open for further replies.
I dislike walls of text, but here goes.

@Cheezy
To ask me again what I actually want to know is a good question. Here it is in a probably more coherent and thought-through manner:
To my understanding, what distinguishes what I will label with the vague term "far left" from what I will vaguely label as the moderate left "social democracy", is that while the moderate left seeks to soften the negative symptoms of capitalism (be it employees rights and protection, be it minimum wages, protection or legal incorporation of unions, social security and the like), the far left is not satisfied with that but seeks to engage capitalism at its core mechanisms. The extreme here being the outright abolishment of property and hence capitalism.

Succinctly, yes. It is obviously more complicated than that. But you have correctly identified that social democrats are not socialists, which I consider a huge step forward.

What I am interested in are ideas and concepts how that exactly may be done - but not from an political but economic angle. And how that is supposed to work. I ask so, because while such concepts may be easily imaginable in a fairly manageable environment, modern economies as a whole appear to be the opposite of fairly manageable. They are immensely complex, full of hardly graspable interdependencies and various inevitably conflicting individual interests. That becomes vivid when one looks at the in my perception great difficulties economists have to truly understand the economy, even though this topic is in such vogue for its obvious importance. And the reason I see that this works as it does, that it creates all the material wealth and economic life it does, is the exact same thing which in the eyes of the far left makes it so horrendous. That is: The power of the capitalist class to hierarchically direct economic life, but in contrast to a public entity to do so in a very adaptable and inventive manner through the "invisible hand". The idea of such an invisible hand surely is kind of archaic from a modern point of view, it is a gross simplification. But the principle still holds true: That is the principle of self-regulation enabled by the coercion of property.

I will address this quote in reverse order.

The so-called invisible hand is simply a fanciful name for the corrective mechanism of market interaction. It does not presuppose capitalist social organization. Smith called it the invisible hand because there was a human agency directing it, it was the interaction of many individuals in the same market which caused the forces of what we would today term "the business cycle." While Smith's terminology and models were certainly applicable for his time, and it is understandable why many people would see it as viable and true, it is important to understand that capitalism has long outgrown the imagined organization which the classical economists described and predicted. Smith, for example, famously observed that, since human greed was the force being harnessed by his "rational self-interest," a large corporation (like the kind which dominate our society today) was impossible, because people would be unable to set aside their personal desires and function for such a "greater good" than themselves. That is evidently untrue. In addition, the "perfect competition" model that Smith and Ricardo describe, whereby no one actor may influence the market, and the interactional behavior of many individual players is the governing body described as the "invisible hand,' is now only true for unaffiliated consumers. With so few producers in nearly every market, their ability, either through cartels or simply by virtue of size, to influence their markets greatly is evident. Further, in the area of industrial goods, not only are the producers few, but so are the consumers, and the time and money necessary to produce many of those goods is great enough that they have themselves developed a de facto planning system through mutual contracts, effectively abolishing those markets entirely. So it seems to me that to use theories and models built upon two hundred year old observations is patently ludicrous, when the society and economics they supposedly describe has far outgrown themselves.

And I wonder, how it is assumed that the base of this principle can be challenged, while keeping the economy as efficient as it is. Hence also my question, if Communism even is assumed to mean the same or even greater efficiency/productivity. This was answered with a reference to the inefficiencies property creates and I recognize and accept them. But that doesn't address the question, how a modern economy as characterized can be efficiently coordinated if tackling capitalism or even abolishing it.
I don't think I personally require much convincing that what the far left envisions sounds at least in principle pretty awesome. But about economic feasibility I am only left to wonder.

I have heard many theories regarding just how the socialist economy should work. On the one hand, in The Iron Heel Jack London, through the voice of Ernest Everhard, describes the future socialist economy as being like a giant corporation, since that is the trend in economics, and bigger corporations with either horizontal or vertical integration are more efficient than smaller ones, by virtue of economies of scale. This is a principle I discuss at length in this thread about monopolies.

Another type is that imagined by Trotsky, which consists of decentralized power and economics, with communes functioning on a comparative advantage basis in trade with other communes, coming together federatively for purposes of defense and organizing large projects (like, for example, a space program, though Trotsky obviously didn't mention THAT :lol: ).

Another type still is the Wobby Theory of Industrial Democracy, which I have a certain liking towards, it being the product of my countrymen. Their great ideologue is probably Big Bill Haywood (also one of the founders of the Communist Party of the United States, and one of two Americans buried in the Kremlin Necropolis), who foresaw the use of general strikes to force an end to capitalism. This would serve the purposes of creating a true mass movement, since a general strike cannot be carried out by a small cadre like a coup d'etat can. Whereas in normal general strikes workers walk out of their jobs en masse in protest, in The Final General Strike, they would not leave their jobs, but occupy them and seize them for themselves. Production would then be managed by industry-wide labor union-like organizations in a sort of massive democratic industrial syndicate.

My personal vision is rather like this last version. Corporations are already run more or less in a socialist manner, just without socialist principles. Long ago did centralized decision making around titular figures disappear, replaced by capable committees of experts, who decide things democratically and with the proximity to production necessary to facilitate reactive and timely corrections. And further, companies are owned by shareholders who vote for the CEO and Board members. The problem is, this is only true of corporate-level decision making. They get profit-sharing and socialist-like decision making, but the factor floor gets old-fashioned capitalism. I would extend that committee structure all the way to the bottom of the company, and remove the "public" ownership of stocks and replace them with employee ownership. Combined with a mandate of maximum divergence of pay within a company, and we would effectively have socialism. Democratic, worker-managed, worker-owned companies.

Ah I don't know, maybe I did directly dismiss a point, I would have to rewatch it (and don't care to :p). But as I recall, the video made no direct assumptions about the role of money, but only went like "OMG look what this incredible experiment shows! It's like - Communism" and then went on to talk about soft factors increasing creativity. But well, in context of this video those experiments are IMO not that useful. Think of anxiety. It is established that a medium level of anxiety is best. The need to right now do something you have no routine in for a large amount of money may quit likely call for high anxiety though. Crippling mental capacities.
And after pointing that out, I went on to argue that those soft factors are not necessarily contradictory to capitalism, but just required smart management and that is something the video didn't actually argue against. For instance think of Google. I have heard that it is their management policy to give their employees a free space of working time for creative thinking, for persueing their own projects. Seems to be the exact thing the video talks about, but in a capitalistic frame.

Well they did get their ideas from real life practices. And by the way, the Royal Academy was not lobbying for socialism in the video, I merely used it to illustrate how some of the concerns you raised were not really such great concerns.

Maybe so, and I actually intend so. One of my areas of studies is sociology so I am no stranger to “intimidating” jargons, but I did not get around to read The Capital or other works of Marx, but eventual will.
For now, I finally did read the linked articles. I even read the majority of the German article on historical materialism (which is surprisingly superior in quality - usually German wiki is left to smell the dust of the English one + it allows me to read the original quotes of Marx and Engels).

Interesting.

I don't think reading Capital is necessary. It's a great read and all, and certainly rewarding in more than a simply economic or social knowledge manner, but also exhaustive and exhausting. And we don't need to know the ins and outs of worsted production or the different weight capacities of specific London smelting basins.

Basically yeah. I didn't think I would need to edge out why productivity in principle is a good thing. We take so many things granted these days, but the fact is that this all is quit wondrous when compared to early stages of human societies. The key ingredient: productivity. So I think it is only reasonable to postulate, that any form of society which lacks at least a decent amount of productivity (vague I know - but I hardly can offer hard numbers) is no desirable option.

Not choosing to prioritize productive numbers doesn't signal a backwards slide into pre-modern standards of living. Remember why we overproduce: it's not for the benefit of the consumer, it's for the benefit of the capitalist. Consumer benefit is incident. A post-scarcity society will certainly be necessary for communism, which in many ways we have already achieved or are capable of soon achieving, but we can worry about that problem later. Again, even if communism is unable to produce such a thing, that does not mean that capitalist economic despotism is therefore our only option (the common acronym seen is TINA - There Is No Alternative [to capitalism]).

When we look at large corporations - are the earnings of shareholders really the lion's share? Or the wages of management? I don't know, but have profound doubts. Such a business model does not appear survivable in a market of fierce price competition. I mean there certainly is a distribution of wealth that hardly can be called fair. We all know those abysmal wealth distribution charts. Income charts are better, but still highly unfair. Yet your rhetoric of exploitation - while having a core which rings true - does not seem to capture the true dynamics behind this.

I make $12/hour, which is about $21,000 a year, before taxes. My boss makes over twice that. His boss makes four times that. His boss makes twelve times that. The CEO of our company makes a cool $1 million a year. Given that we, the lowly associates, far, far outnumber management (there are probably 25 employees to a two-manager store, 6 or 7 stores to a district, and 2 or 3 districts to a region), yes, it's safe to say that such abysmal wealth distribution does exist in large corporations, despite there being a management bureaucracy. It is most certainly competitive, because they buy off good corporate managers with high salaries and minimize their costs elsewhere by paying associates just above minimum wage (the people I am in charge of as a shift leader only make around 25% less than I). To us on the bottom, a dollar more an hour is a nice raise, and makes all the difference between one job and another.

This apparent key ingredient of Communist thought is besides the supposed merits of an abolishment of property my biggest trouble and they appear to be strongly linked. But we will get to this later on.

I'm going to address this point here, rather than later, because you dedicate several paragraphs to basically making the same point again.

When I say inevitable, this is what I mean. Marxism is basically an endorsement of power politics. This "determinism" is basically the observation that those who can, do, and because of the way society is bifurcated by capitalism, there's only one class left to seize power: the proletariat. We have superior numbers, so when we are sufficiently motivated, we will use our power and win the day. Because of the social awakening that will be necessary for us to do so, the proletariat will act in such a way as to meet and solve the pertinent source of malaise: property. Just as the liberals addressed their problem of lack of political rights and freedoms by attacking the social principles which blocked their realization: Divine Right and seigniorial titles, and replaced them with ones that served the interests of the classes who fueled the rising - popular sovereignty and the liberal freedoms of life, liberty, and property, so will we destroy private property in favor of public ownership and democracy. It's how humans deal with stuff, we find problems and solve them, creating a more perfect system in the process. It's not a whiggish progression towards political perfection, it's simply power politics, and the secret to capitalism's success - that is has erased all societies which came before it, and divided mankind into two political classes - is what will be its downfall, since it leaves only one class to destroy the other. Well, absorb the other, I should say, since we will all become proletarians when we make our Brotherhood of Man.

We refer to communism as being a sort of "end of history" type of thing, since we can't really imagine another problem happening after this one, believing as we do that political struggles of class versus class are what drive such things, and mankind in negating capitalism will have no choice but to abolish political classes entirely.

Just wait what happens when you actually start your revolution ;) Though nukes will probably help...

I am a student of history, I'm well aware of the problems revolutionary societies have faced. But the United States is titular to Capitalism. If the former falls, the latter's death knell is sounded. As much as I hate what this country has become, it is here in the belly of the beast that the battle must be won, if it is to be won anywhere.

As I understand this passage, historical materialism is only meant to highlight substantial and on the long run overriding trends in history and their essential causes. If it was limited to an observation of the mere fundamental importance of productive relations and the productive forces, I would have no problem with this. It in deed seems very plausible and useful as an insight, that the fundamental economic structure and the fundamental kind of means and yields involved shape societies to a significant degree.
However, it for me becomes problematic when the matter of class struggle enters the equation.
A quote by Marx:

Not predetermined?

I have no idea what the context he said this in was, and with Marx, context is absolutely essential because of the snarky way he spoke.

Okay, that sounds great, as this was an impression I got. If a system benefits an elite, than the ones not benefiting by it will have to challenge it to make a change. Again, that sounds sensible. Yet... what about other factors? Did the Roman empire dissolve because of slave revolts?

No one has said it did. It became unstable for a variety of factors, namely that it was generating insufficient revenue to fund its military because senatorial properties, which were becoming an increasingly large percentage of imperial lands, were tax-exempt, and because the social-economic structure of the military made soldiers loyal to generals and not to Rome, and generals loyal to themselves.

Did English courts sneekingly introduce the concept of a right for labor (in the sense that one may choose where and what to do for a living) based on common law because of class struggle (a right giving birth to the ideology of the free citizen)? Did Japan enter industrialization because of class struggle?

I don't see how any of these questions are relevant. The Roman one wasn't even, I just felt like answering it.

Marx says he does not intend to suggest a key to all history. Yet, it appears he does: class struggle. And I wonder how empirically sound it is without engaging in intellectual acrobatics.

You seem to think that the only truth is that which can be demonstrated via the scientific method. There is more truth than that yielded a posteriori. Perhaps we should test out some of that theory if you want to see it proven. Once again, you're taking an unfalsifiable field of study, faulting a constituent part of it for being unfalsifiable, and then whining because there's no proof for it, as if that were unique amongst schools of thought. There was no proof for liberalism, either. There's no proof for any of philosophy. If you think the only truth in the world is that which can be gathered in a lab, then no amount of arguing will change your nihilist mind. If you studied sociology, then you must believe in some level in some of those unfalsifiable "sciences," so why fault Marxism for being supposedly unique in its unfalsifiability?

To be honest, after reading every word - my question was not answered at all. At least not in a way I was even remotely satisfied by. Marx does not seem to have a word on how a lack of property really could/would work out. He just uses his theory to declare it had to happen. A theory which I think (and up there tried to illustrate) poses considerable trouble when compared with actual historic development.

So your problem is that because we've never abolished property before, you don't think it can be done?

Do you seriously believe that the concept of Thesis and Antithesis is a good way to understand societies or reality?

I said it, didn't I? As I said previously, it does not encompass all of human activity, merely the structure of our societies.

Doesn't that come down to an arbitrary and artificial way of structuring one's perception of reality?

Based on that wording, what doesn't?

I mean if done correctly I imagine one could force any number of potentially crazy theories into such a concept. But is existence really fundamentally dual in an objective way? Do we have to few everything in the realm of two extremes to truly understand it, or is it possibly just the result of a fundamental cognitive bias, as cognitive science suggests? I am really baffled why dialectical materialism enjoys support by people like you who I judge to be fairly smart.

I really have no idea what you're talking about here.

And oh I got such a great quote on "the only possible result" by Engels from the German wiki:

Spoiler original :


And I think Engel distanced himself from it rightfully. Even if we accept Marx' theory on historical development depending on class struggle, this still does not suggest that the abolishment of property was actually the next step.

It's not. If I had to pick one important thing Lenin gave the world, it was the stagist theory. Socialism is the process of destroying capitalism and creating the foundations for communism. I don't think, if there were a socialist revolution tomorrow, that any of us would live to see communism. I don't even see building communism as our generation's job. Our job is to destroy capitalism and give our children and grandchildren something of a future to work with. That is work enough for a lifetime.

First of all because alternatives, as Engles argues, aren't considered. Secondly, if there are none, this still does not mean the abolishment of property would work. And see, that is the reason why I dared to judge historical materialism while only knowing its prime claims. Because the idea to theorize history and to then be able to predict that history would have to lead to the adaption of a totally untested concept of relations of productions screams of hubris. Tell me you believe this and I gladly ask you questions about this believe. Tell me that you think it has to be that way and I can not help but forget the "Ask a" and go into attack mode. It just seems too obviously and inherently faith-based to me. I really don't get it why reasonable people would accept something like this.

Yeah, well I'm religious, so get over it.

But Marx does not even demonstrate anything with actual predictive power, does he? He just makes theoretic assumptions about human history (while surely useful - I like what I read) I see no reason to take at face value, goes on to assume that all material existence is the history of opposing extremes struggling with each other (where, pardon me, I see even less reason to take it at face value) and based on this philosophy proclaims that the exact opposite of the current mode of production would have to be the result: the lack of property.

Yes, because as he demonstrates, that's exactly what has happened throughout history. Is capitalism not the direct opposite of mercantilism? Is monarchy not the direct opposite of primitive communism?

That to me is everything but exact science. Hell I would not even dare to call it science.

That's right, it's a social science. I would never call historical study a science, that doesn't mean conclusions drawn from it about it are irrelevant or guaranteed to be wrong.

As my writing style may reveal, I am having trouble to keep my temper in check here. But it just is soo horrendous! Okay, sorry for my rambling, that is not the finest or productive debating style...
So to get more substantial: Why even pick property as the thing which has to turn in its opposite? That is the lack of property. Because it is the fundamental aspect of capitalism? Why pick that? With the end of slavery the ability to own people did not end. It just turned into serfdom. You see the inconsistency here?

This is like asking "why not make God say X instead of Y?" It's not up to us. As I said above, history shows that the underclasses destroy that which impedes their freedom. In capitalism, all malaise stems from private property, so it is private property we shall destroy.

And by the way, slavery and serfdom are different. But then that historical epoch was different from the capitalist-socialist one, much is at work in one that is not in the other, most of all that slavery was not something "done away with" to make way for serfdom. It's a ridiculous comparison. I'm rather amazed you think it makes any sense.

I think it objectively isn't. It lacks all the requirements of proof. To be falsifiable being the most fundamentally one. Just like a faith in God is not accepted as prove, no matter how hard you try to rationalize it. Because it is unfalsifiable. A parallel which I think motivated Propper to call historical materialism religion-like. You may want to point out that many theories are unfalsifiable (and in deed did), bu those theories also don't prove jack. They can help to increase understanding (a lot of sociology seems to be about that) and I think historical materialism does provide such understanding, but they always can also lead you astray. Especially if you decide to accept them as dogma. Like religion.

Here's a fun fact, some food for thought before you get so caught up in denouncing Marxist hubris that you eclipse it with your own self-righteousness: your beloved scientific method is the product of philosophy, a school of thought that is internally consistent for providing proof, but which fails when other rigors of knowledge are applied.

And by the way, there are many logical proofs for God, but I doubt you would be interested in such pseudo-knowledge as logic provides. What fails empirical rigor (but obviously not all rationalist methods) are religions.
 
Is there a place in the Red world for high-end luxury goods like Ferraris?

I guess.

I can't believe someone of your intelligence (Cheezy, certainly not Perfection, he's worth like $8) makes $12 an hour. That's nuts!!

I'm a communist too now, soley due to this

Can't tell if sarcastic....
Spoiler :

futurama_fry_looking_squint.jpg


Cheezy makes $12 an hour? I'm jealous.

My point is made. If I made $45,000 a year and you made $43,000, no one would care. But the difference between wages at the bottom of the ladder is far "bigger," because it's the difference between being able to afford very basic things.

I know. I wish I still made 12 an hour. Damn unions...

Aren't you like 17?
 
@Cheezy.....definitely not sarcastic, I'm not like that.

I mean I work damn hard, and I mean damn hard. But I don't really contribute to society in any meaningful way and make a lot more than that. I don't feel guilty, I try to do my bit in other ways. It's just $12 an hour seems so so low. I think it may even be under the minimum wage here.
 
I'll throw this in, What's a Socialist? from the NY Times
Spoiler :
FRANCE has elected its first Socialist president since 1988 and then given the Socialist Party and its closest allies a whopping majority in Parliament. But how Socialist is François Hollande? And what does it mean to be a Socialist these days, anyway?

Not very much. Certainly nothing radical. In a sense, socialism was an ideology of the industrialized 19th century, a democratic Marxism, and it succeeded, even in (shh!) the United States. Socialism meant the emancipation of the working class and its transformation into the middle class; it championed social justice and a progressive tax system, and in that sense has largely done its job. As the industrialized working class gets smaller and smaller, socialism seems to have less and less to say.

Center-right parties have embraced or absorbed many of the ideas of socialism: trade unions, generous welfare benefits, some form of nationalized health care, even restrictions on carbon emissions. The right argues that it can manage all these programs more efficiently than the left, and some want to shrink them, but only on the fringes is there talk of actually dismantling the welfare state.

“As an ideologically based movement, socialism is no longer vital,” says Joschka Fischer, who began his career on the far left and remains a prominent spokesman for the Green Party. “Today it’s a combination of democracy, rule of law and the welfare state, and I’d say a vast majority of Europeans defend this — the British Tories can’t touch the National Health Service without being beheaded.”

Even in the United States, Mr. Fischer says, “you have a sort of welfare state, even if you don’t want to admit it — you don’t allow people to die on the street.”

So why the prospect of “European socialism” is so frightening to some Americans puzzles Europeans, a mystery as deep as the American obsession with abortion or affection for the death penalty.

Daniel Cohn-Bendit, a leader of the student revolt of May 1968, known then as “Dany the Red,” is now “Dany the Green,” co-leader of the ecologist group in the European Parliament. “The fight between private property and state property is over,” he says, and traditional class distinctions are blurred. “There was never a purely socialist working class,” he suggested. “Socialism and social democracy today are about a society with more solidarity, more protection of people, more egalitarianism.” In a way, he said, socialism is defined today mostly by its contrast to neo-liberalism — by more reliance on the state and higher taxes on the wealthy.

Bernard-Henri Lévy was criticized three years ago for saying that the French Socialist Party was not merely dying, but “already dead,” a political alternative for those unhappy with Nicolas Sarkozy, then the president, but little more than a differently situated elite. France’s “gauche caviar” — wealthy socialists like Dominique Strauss-Kahn or Jack Lang — were hardly revolutionary, but merely took their neckties off at lunch.

TODAY Mr. Lévy has not changed his views. “There are no more socialists — if they were honest they would change the name of the party,” he told me. Socialism “evokes the nightmare of the Soviet Union, whose leaders named themselves socialists.” Today, he maintains, European socialists are essentially like American Democrats — there has been no ideological left in France that matters since the effective demise of the Communist Party, which was “the true ‘exception française.’ ”

In his book “Barbarism with a Human Face,” translated into English as “Left in Dark Times: A Stand Against the New Barbarism,” Mr. Lévy wrote: “I would dream of writing in a dictionary for the year 2000: ‘Socialism, masculine noun, a cultural genre born in Paris in 1848, died in Paris in 1968.’ ”
But democratic socialism of the nonbarbaric kind has a long history in Europe, especially in France. Even today, delegates at the Socialist Party’s summer meetings address one another as “Comrade,” a gesture to the past for a party largely made up of academics and bureaucrats — in other words, state functionaries, of whom there are many in France. The French state represents 56.6 percent of gross domestic product, one of the highest figures in the Western world.

“Socialism here is very statist,” says Marc-Olivier Padis, editor of the quarterly journal Esprit. The leading figures in the Socialist government are more creatures of the French establishment — elite schools and careers — than those under Mr. Sarkozy, he explained, “a combination reproducing the profile of Hollande himself.” Mr. Sarkozy was more of an outlier than Mr. Hollande, and much closer to business.

Belief in the centrality of the state to run, regulate and innovate remains a core belief of French socialism, and the size of the state is hardly going to be reduced under Mr. Hollande, whose few concrete promises include hiring 60,000 more teachers over five years, raising the minimum wage (the highest in the European Union) and creating a state bank for innovation.

Alain-Gérard Slama, noting that Mr. Hollande won the presidency thanks to half of centrist voters and a third of far-right voters, all of whom detested Mr. Sarkozy, wrote in the newspaper Le Figaro that “the French don’t do anything like anyone else — they’ll give themselves a Socialist president, a Socialist Assembly, a Socialist Senate, Socialist regions, while, by a clear majority, they are not Socialist.”

To be honest, who is anymore? “Is socialism really more than pragmatism?” Mr. Padis wonders. Mr. Lévy pointed out that the excitement around the far-left French presidential candidate, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, got hearts racing for a while. But the rabble-rousing Mr. Mélenchon did not do as well as many hoped (or feared). This month he was trounced for an Assembly seat by Marine Le Pen. “Some believed the French exception was undergoing a revival with Mélenchon,” Mr. Lévy said. He then aptly quoted Marx’s famous line about Louis Bonaparte, that “history repeats itself, first as tragedy, then as farce.”
 
An ignorant and snide article, written by the type of arrogant and self-righteous liberal chics who fancy the name "socialist" because it sounds noble, yet have no problems with making "end of history" statements so very similar to the neo-liberals they supposedly stand against. Typical of white collar idealists who think they can wish away the working class, or like this particular author, pretend it never truly existed, and thus is not a problem that requires solving. Most convenient for the abrogation of social responsibility; again, in stark similarity to the conservatives they supposedly stand against.
 
@Article above
I thought it offered a good perspective on how "socialism" as a label developed, no? Socialism may not be about integrating the worker class into the middle class, but this seems to be what largely has determined the fate of self-proclaimed socialist parties.

@Traitorfish
You were never off the hook, I just got distracted by other fish.
Anyway, I think I see now what your convictions are from which every thing else follows. That is the conviction that capitalism in deed is "destined" to lead to its own demise, that it more or less by definition had no future and that hence the question of an alternative is only a question of how that alternative will look like (to which you say we have to wait and see what class struggle yields) whereas thegeneral existence and realization of this alternative was necessitated by the nature of capitalism.

Could you expand on that? I just don't understand how it is save to assume such a thing. Hasn't history suggested that capitalism isn't as instable and class struggle not as strong as they would have to be? As Marx may have thought? Even when things were exceptionally dire - that is during the Great Recession - capitalism never seems to have been seriously threatened. Even when in Russia a political class arose that orientated on Marxism (how faithful you will know much better than I) capitalism stood its ground without much apparent trouble. In deed, the worst days of Capitalism were probably in the era Marx witnessed, but even then, capitalism remained solid as a rock.
I don't - yet - know all the details of the stipulated "contradictions" which are supposed to bring capitalism its demise, but when I look at history, at how capitalism has developed and flourished, I see no sign whatsoever for the inevitability of said demise. What or those contradictions? Is it simply the conflicting interests of employee and employer? Or in a more fundamental dimension of those that own (some kind of property) and those that do not? It to me seems that since the horrendous conditions of the industrial phase have been lifted, people are content enough to cope with the resulting "exploitation". Maybe because they just don't know better, but in any case I see no inevitable force for change present.
But okay, you say that fundamental change would only come when capitalism would become "unbearable". It isn't unbearable now, is it? It can be observed everyday that people do bear it. So it seems your assumption is that the success capitalism has in this day and age - which evidently makes it bearable - was not sustainable? That our capitalistic economies will crumple until for it to be come unbearable? But how bad should that have to get? During the Great Recession, people were starving. Yet capitalism wasn't seriously challenged.

Another thing: wouldn't you say that the revolution which turned imperial Russia into a part of the SU qualifies for a fundamental societal change? And wasn't this revolution enabled by ideas? Would there have been such a revolution without the ideas embraced by Marx and later Lenin? "Without the existence of any body of theory which describes it", as you put it?

And another things I didn't understand: What does "labour is the negation of capital" mean (you used this expression to correct me in post 320)? I really have no clue. "communism is the negation of labour" I can understand (I think). As that labour is understood as a commodity of exchange, whereas communism knows no such commodity, as distribution is not supposed to be based on a means of exchange as such, but, as Marx put it, on need and ability. But maybe I also misunderstood this.

And now my belated response to innonimatu

The question then is whether better repression or better negotiation has been the reason for the decrease in physical fighting. If that talk offered an explanation based on the success of modern repression then it wouldn't gain me over as a backer of modern society's utilization of violence.
It in deed did. Its whole argument was that insecurity as the source of physical violence was reduced by the permanent and imminent threat of violence by the state. And in that sense, physical violences comes down to matter of rational self-interest. You can witness the same in international relations. If for instance Spain started to suddenly feel like trying to conquer England again, it could be sure to not only feel the wrath of England but of say the NATO (and possibly its nuclear warheads). As a consequence, Spain has no rational self-interest to do so and won't. Likewise, if I don't have to assume that my neighbor will attack me, but if I have to assume that attacking my neighbor will bring upon me the wrath of the state, I have no rational self-interest to do so, hence I won't. That is of course only a simplified model, it doesn't do justice to every individual case. But I think it does wonders in illustrating the overriding dynamics.
What do you think about it? Would our contemporary world be better without it? Or worse? Or would you prefer some partial solution? Keep in mind that the intellectual property land grab has been built through exactly those partial solutions, each claiming a bit more once people were led into consenting to the previous. And always led by small interest groups made up of people who'd benefit immediately from the new legislation.
I have no definite opinion on the matter. I think that in principle it is a splendid idea to try to encourage innovation in the field of natural sciences / engineering by granting rights to market such innovation - at least when we think in the terms of a capitalistic free market economy. But this may require a different approach than some arbitrary time frame and exclusive rights. The best solution would be IMO if the innovators get a share of the profit generated by the innovation - so are rewarded -, but couldn't limit the application of an innovation to fir instance a single company.
I don't think that good art - that is art that really is supposed to express something meaningful - requires financial securities to be created. Rather, that to me seems counterproductive. So I don't see a worth important for society which justifies the criminalization copyrights require. The exception being movies, as they are by design so expensive that financial securities become important again. But I would limit intellectual property rights to a fairly short time frame. Maybe ... 7 years or something. When it comes non-fiction books, I think society has an utmost interest to ensure their quality and hence strongly favor intellectual property rights for their authors. Though I could also imagine to require them to make their works available to public libraries free of charge. But that all refers to the right to enjoy those works. I see no problem with only the creators of a peace of art (or their financers) being able to make money with it.

To just abolish all from of intellectual property is in the current economic frame IMO not the answer. If you had the political power to ouright abolish it, you also have the political power to approach this topic in a more measured manner, no?

@Cheezy
I am afraid I again will have to test your infinite patience. Exams are up and I have some very busy days ahead and I don't want to give you an half-assed response written in hurry.
 
Ha ha, what?
I also like the idea that the middle class has somehow replaced the lower classes as well. If we were all small business owners, we wouldn't need every candidate to explain how he's going to protect small business owners.
 
An ignorant and snide article, written by the type of arrogant and self-righteous liberal chics who fancy the name "socialist" because it sounds noble, yet have no problems with making "end of history" statements so very similar to the neo-liberals they supposedly stand against. Typical of white collar idealists who think they can wish away the working class, or like this particular author, pretend it never truly existed, and thus is not a problem that requires solving. Most convenient for the abrogation of social responsibility; again, in stark similarity to the conservatives they supposedly stand against.
Ah, so it's not that I was feeling something was off just because of the lateness of the hour.
Ha ha, what?
I know!
I also like the idea that the middle class has somehow replaced the lower classes as well. If we were all small business owners, we wouldn't need every candidate to explain how he's going to protect small business owners.
If we were all small business owners, then the candidate would be one himself. ;)
 
Status
Not open for further replies.
Back
Top Bottom