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Why are you convinced then? If you find yourself unable to articulate something convincing, shall I conclude it is a mere matter of faith? Perhaps founded on some kind of sentimental attachment?
Well, that's the thing: there's very little that I'm actually convinced of. "Communism" is something that I understand almost entirely negatively, that can only really be understood negatively, rather than as a particular state of affairs which I would like to see brought about. We have to understand it as post-capitalism not only in a chronological sense, but as something that is for us defined by its relationship to capitalism: that is the undoing of capitalism, and so understood primarily in terms of what it is not.

What that means of constructing a vision of communism is that we're not proposing a series of improvements over capitalism, but identifying the means by which the majority (the working class, the proletariat, multitude, the 99%, however you want to put it) are oppressed and exploited, and proposing that it be resisted. Only the practical activity of class struggle can tell us anything positive about how they might be done away with, and what might come after.

Also, if you yourself say that not actually advocating an alternative makes you less convincing and if we assume that to convince people is essential for a change of society, how can you not do so with the argument that this was simply not "how society works"? Do you think it is futile to try to convince people with potential alternatives? If so: How does this relate to politics largely being about alternatives?
Well, the problem is the bolded: I don't. I don't think that's how societal change occurs, or, at least, not fundamentally. Societal change is not a matter of ideas, but of processes of practical engagement, and above all of class struggle. Class struggle is the expression of antagonisms inherent in capitalist social relations, immanent in capitalism itself, which occurs with or without the existence of any body of theory which describes it. Revolution occurs not when 50%+1 of the population adopts anti-capitalist ideas, but when capitalism finds its incapable of containing its own contradictions, and the class struggle bursts the banks, so to speak, the ensuing flood of necessity and possibility not merely permitting but forcing the working class to engage in the struggle of self-abolition.

To put it bluntly, I would invert the terms you offer above: that communism is not something people adopt because it is a nice alternative, but something they adopt precisely because there are no tolerable alternatives. People do not overturn the entire social order because they have decided that they'd prefer something else, but because circumstances are such that its continuation would be unbearable; not because they want to, but because they have to. If that means communism exists outside of the terms of politics, then, well, that's just something that we shall have to live with.

Well, why?
As I said, I understand property as an expression of class relations, so in the absence of social class you'd find a similar absence of private property. Which, of course, raises the question below...

That class would not reemerge is not any more self-explanatory. You substantiate a hypothesis with another hypothesis.
I understand class as having emerged as a form of mediation. When human societies reach a level of complexity that direct, communistic forms of organisation are not able to resolve their problems, there emerge certain mediatory roles. These mediatory roles carry with them a degree of practical control; tenuous at first, a control so conditional as to be more a burden than a privilege, but one that may grow over time to become a real power over others in their society. With this power comes a social division of labour, which means the emergence of class relations (and thence property-relations, the state, and so on and so forth). Communism is the abolition of property, thus the abolition of the social division of labour, thus the abolition of social power, thus the abolition of social mediation. Communism, in dissolving this fundamental basis of class relations, thus precludes their re-emergence.

Of course, what you're thinking now is "that's all well and good, but how do we know that a communist revolution can prevent the re-emerge of social mediation?" And, quite honestly? I don't think it will, and that there will be for at least a considerable time to come a tension between nascent powers and the prevailing counter-powers. Rather, what I think is that the material conditions of scarcity and physical isolation that once permitted the development of power into class will swiftly cease to exist. Nascent powers will remain, but their limited prospects will preclude their emergence as a stable or coherent mode of social organisation, and that as practical human freedom expands over time they dwindle further and further until there is nothing left of them at all.

Wholly speculative, I'll grant you, but it was always going to be. There's very little that we can know in any meaningful sense about a mode of social organisation which is so wholly beyond our experience as this.
 
But to get back to the video: It also offered an explanation for the gradual decrease of violence over the course of human history. It started with the question why there is violence to begin with. Its answer: It comes out of a situation of insecurity. If you can not trust your neighbor to come and slay you, your most secure bet is to slay him yourself. With states and their public forces becoming more efficiently organized, you could be sure to be punished for violence. As a consequence, you could be fairly sure that your neighbor would not come to slay you, so you could trust him to not do which removes the insecurity as the original source of violence.

Violence is not exclusively about slaying people. The explanation for the alleged decrease of violence is in fact that the threat of violence is now stronger than it was in the past, so strong that people will rather submit to the laws of the state that violate them by (for example) trying to exercise violence themselves. If they counted deaths and injuries I can see how they came up with a conclusion that violence decreased hugely. But if you see coercion as a form of violence, then modern society is the most coercive ever.

The question then is whether better repression or better negotiation has been the reason for the decrease in physical fighting. If that talk offered an explanation based on the success of modern repression then it wouldn't gain me over as a backer of modern society's utilization of violence.
 
I ask for more than the vilification of property and the vague notion that a system which lacks property somehow shall arise and somehow shall be awesome.
A few pages back someone asked for advise how to advocate Communism. You recommended to highlight the down-to-earth woes of the current system. What about highlighting the actual alternative?
I ask for a positive concept for the future. A suggestion what shall be introduced and not just what shall be abandoned. Or is your view really that once we somehow get property out of the way everything will find itself?

Would be worth trying.

May I suggest that we split the problem and start by looking at a subset or property? I have this thing against "intellectual property", as I'm sure most people around here are aware of. It was introduced recently (in may countries a century or so), and dramatically expanded even more recently, over the past two decades. So we are in a very good position to look at it, because we have lots of discussions about it and (already) some data about its effects, plus comparisons between places with more and less of this "intellectual property".

What do you think about it? Would our contemporary world be better without it? Or worse? Or would you prefer some partial solution? Keep in mind that the intellectual property land grab has been built through exactly those partial solutions, each claiming a bit more once people were led into consenting to the previous. And always led by small interest groups made up of people who'd benefit immediately from the new legislation.
 
Took some time, sorry, but you gave me a lot to read :p
If what you want is a chemical reaction-like diagram of certainty, then you're going to be disappointed. No ideology can give that to you.
I don't want prove, I don't want universal superiority - and I also don't want certainty. You act like I am trying to dismantle Communism by pointing out that purely theoretical concepts - so concept which haven't been implemented yet - are only that trust-worthy. Of course they are and that is absolutely not what I am referring to. I am referring to the problematic, that it is easy to criticize existing practices, but hard to suggest actual alternatives. However, the merit of alternatives are what justifies political change. Not the ability to criticize current realities, because that is naturally useless by itself. And IMO "lack of property" is not a sufficient characteristic of an alternative.

The Marxist stipulation of a destiny of history doesn't help in this case and is IMO also very questionable. I mean I think I see what makes it so compelling. To use class struggle as the deciding factor of all history so far has its appeal and merit. The struggle over scarce resources was assumed to be the core of human existence by my philosophy professor as well. And it makes sense. Evolution and all. And property is a way to cement the control by an individual or group over scarce resources, gladly go along with that. But I think to narrow history down to it that aggressively only results in the cloud-effect. You see the patterns you look for. For the sake of other patterns which may be worth to be seen, as well. I'll edge that out a bit at the bottom of this response
I've addressed this proposal before. All of us have described in detail the necessary qualities and the desirable qualities of socialism. Many of those come about through highlighting a wrong or downside in capitalism, and proposing how to ameliorate it.

I've done this many times, probably more than anyone else in this thread. Please refer back through it.
That is fair enough I suppose. I at some time wanted to take a more thorough look at this thread anyway.
I can't believe the Royal Academy of Sciences hasn't hired you onto their staff yet, to be able to so quickly rebut their explanations.
You're in danger of wandering into Basketcase territory with "just think about it dude" responses like that.
I don't need to be Basketcase to be able to tell you that pressure strangulating creativity is a well-known phenomena and that you in deed should think about it. If it makes you happy, I'll also add "dude". Moreover and tellingly, I did not even rebut the explanations of the video, I just contextualized what the video represented and by this went against some of the insinuations made. I am pretty sure that my friends of the Royal Academy had managed that, too.
Is there actually something you have to say about that content-wise, or is an insult really all I can expect from you here?
Why is that desirable, in a world of overabundance?
Because this overabundance is a result of great productivity? But you may remember, at the very beginning of our conversation, I said that I am inclined to believe that it is desirable to sacrifice productivity for the sake of living quality.
And further, do you perceive this as being so necessary as to excuse despotism in order to achieve it?
Depends I would say. I think modern material wealth can justify a great many things, if required. But what level of material wealth requires what measures is too broad a question that I feel anyone could confidently answer them.
You want an explanation about the future, yet are unwilling to pay attention to theory? What is the future but theories?
The emphasize was "most abstract".
Check these two out, they should answer many of your questions (and hopefully give rise to new ones). We will start again after you have read these brief summaries of the two methods Marxists use to analyze history and propose where mankind is heading based on that.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Historical_materialism

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dialectical_materialism
As I made clear in the thread on Absolutism and in the thread about weather God is good, I am no friend of idealism, so materialism in principle is all nice and dandy for me I suppose. But to tell you the truth, I quickly got fatigued with the wikipedia articles, especially the second one. I mean it sure is interesting if we would want to discuss philosophical history and the different approaches found there. But in essence, we want to discuss the potential use of Communism for the world and there I honestly see nothing helpful in those wikipedia articles. So it didn't answer any questions I had, but it indeed created new ones.

There is a lot of talk about what would have to be viewed as the key factor of historic development (relations of production and respectively class struggle) and that the material shaped history. As someone opposing idealism, I certainly agree with the latter (though the brain surely shouldn't be excluded from the material world, saying ideals are part of the material world, just exclusively subjectively experienced aspects of it, but I believe Marx agrees here), the former... well I think Propper got it right when he complained that it was unfalsifiable. Because what this entails for me is that it is in the end no subject to any solid criteria what was the key factor, but a mere matter of interpretation. Of choosing the way of thinking you find most useful to interpret history. And as I don't see how any assumption of whatever key factor can be proven to be inherently superior, I think the best approach is to not narrow it down like that, at least not that aggressively so as to mean some kind of law. You surely know Marx better than me and I don't know a lot, but it appears to me that in all his criticism of idealism (and I like his apparent disdain for the misuse of labels and the following over-simplified schematic thinking with regards to history), Marx commits the same fallacy idealism commits: To intuitively assume some dogma and to stick to it. He just did it in a more sophisticated way.

But well, those weren't actually questions, just my thoughts on the matter.
So lets put it that way:
- Why the assumption that it is useful to assume (assume, as you can't prove it), that class-struggle really determines history? It is said that the means of production and their relation fundamentally shape human society. I agree, that sounds plausible. But...so? That just means that class-relations in the sense being based on the means of productions are important. I see no other conclusion that really lends itself. Most of all not the conclusion that history can be safely extrapolated to head towards an abolishment of property. Because most of all, this assumes that an abolishment of property is really a viable attribute of modern societies. But why even assume so? Is it possible? I guess, sure. Is it possible to not work? Again, I guess, sure.
Well I came back to do as I said, but I found this in my inbox this morning, so I thought I would share it here. It answers many of your questions, but as it is written by our Chairman, it pertains specifically to American politics.

http://cpusa.org/defeating-the-rightwing-on-the-road-to-socialism/
That I actually read thoroughly and completely. And it was an interesting read, so thanks for that! But it didn't actually propose any policy beyond vague typical notions of the left political spectrum flavored by a particular emphasize on equality and well notions on what broad criteria would have to met to secure revolution, like extensive public support. I mean many propositions sounded likable, and I am actually inclined to support the direction proposed (though I am a little off-put with all this equality talk, because I doubt the state's ability to achieve such equality by reasonable means). I mean I do think that the economic world needs to be forced to be more friendly to human needs instead of profit for instance. But what I miss is the actual attempt to propose actual economic concepts.
And beyond this pamphlet, I miss an actual attempt at an economic concept that lacks property. If we assume that Marx was right that the relations of production are essential, than economic policy should be the main focus of a far-left-movement I'd would think. Instead it feels like it is all about values (like equality), but little about economic realities (with realities I also mean alternative realities).
 
What country in the world has comn the closest to deverloping commuism and is there a way to cre3ate communism without controling enire the entire world?
 
What country in the world has comn the closest to deverloping commuism
Well, the long answer would probably involve me spending several paragraphs trying to picking apart the question and trying to reconstruct in slightly different terms and that's probably not what you're after... So the short answer would be Catalonia during the period of 1936-37, in which the CNT (National Confederation of Labour, a revolutionary trade union), in alliance with the FIA (Iberian Anarchist Federation) and POUM (Workers' Party of Marxist Unification, a breakaway communist party) achieved a real if temporary working class political power in Catalonia and parts of Aragon. However, for various reasons both internal and external, the revolutionary bloc was ousted and suppressed by the Republican centre, particularly the PCE (Spanish Communist Party), and what was left ground to dust under Franco's boot-heel.

is there a way to cre3ate communism without controling enire the entire world?
Bluntly, no. The authority of capital is international, so any challenge to it would have to be similarly international.
 
What is the "Red" take on gun ownership by the general public?
 
Took some time, sorry, but you gave me a lot to read :p

I have all the patience in the world.

I don't want prove, I don't want universal superiority - and I also don't want certainty. You act like I am trying to dismantle Communism by pointing out that purely theoretical concepts - so concept which haven't been implemented yet - are only that trust-worthy. Of course they are and that is absolutely not what I am referring to. I am referring to the problematic, that it is easy to criticize existing practices, but hard to suggest actual alternatives. However, the merit of alternatives are what justifies political change. Not the ability to criticize current realities, because that is naturally useless by itself. And IMO "lack of property" is not a sufficient characteristic of an alternative.

I'm still having trouble figuring out just what it is that you want. A list of policy objectives? Specific things to be done? Or a concept of the sorts of programs we might enact or support?

The Marxist stipulation of a destiny of history doesn't help in this case and is IMO also very questionable. I mean I think I see what makes it so compelling. To use class struggle as the deciding factor of all history so far has its appeal and merit. The struggle over scarce resources was assumed to be the core of human existence by my philosophy professor as well. And it makes sense. Evolution and all. And property is a way to cement the control by an individual or group over scarce resources, gladly go along with that. But I think to narrow history down to it that aggressively only results in the cloud-effect. You see the patterns you look for. For the sake of other patterns which may be worth to be seen, as well. I'll edge that out a bit at the bottom of this response.

Well naturally it's not so cut and dry. I had thought that much wouldn't need to be said. But in a world of caricatures, I suppose it does. Class struggle is not what decides all of human events. But it is what gives shape to our societies and the material relations between people.

That is fair enough I suppose. I at some time wanted to take a more thorough look at this thread anyway.

If I knew more what you were looking for, perhaps I could help direct you. After all, I remember what I wrote better than anyone else does. :)

I don't need to be Basketcase to be able to tell you that pressure strangulating creativity is a well-known phenomena and that you in deed should think about it. If it makes you happy, I'll also add "dude". Moreover and tellingly, I did not even rebut the explanations of the video, I just contextualized what the video represented and by this went against some of the insinuations made. I am pretty sure that my friends of the Royal Academy had managed that, too.
Is there actually something you have to say about that content-wise, or is an insult really all I can expect from you here?

Relax, I meant it as a tongue in cheek prod. But if you were not riposting the points made by the video, then why did your response come off as so dismissive of their obviously flawed logic?

Because this overabundance is a result of great productivity? But you may remember, at the very beginning of our conversation, I said that I am inclined to believe that it is desirable to sacrifice productivity for the sake of living quality.

You're using circular reasoning. Basically you've said that productivity is good...because it is. I guess that you think it's good because it leads to abundance, and abundance leads to greater material quality of life for more people? I won't argue with that. What I will argue with is the idea that economic despotism is required to achieve that productivity. I will never be convinced that snap-of-the-fingers power over someone else's life is necessary in order for us to have an affluent society. After all, in this system we're speaking of, it's not merely autocracy we're talking about, it's exploitation. The possessors of this autocratic power utilize it to milk laborers' productive power for profit. They keep the lion's share of the wealth their workers produce for themselves. And we are supposed to believe that this is necessary for modern society to function and prosper? I think this sort of logic is something most defenders of capitalism forget about when discussing whether or not socialism is "desirable." But as I've said before, I think the despotism and bifurcation of society makes socialism not merely desirable, but inevitable. People will seek escape, and in a way that is most antithetical.

Depends I would say. I think modern material wealth can justify a great many things, if required. But what level of material wealth requires what measures is too broad a question that I feel anyone could confidently answer them.

If we faced a great crisis, then yes, some things can be excused. The hard-driving of the Soviet Five Year Plans being a good example. If you must be certain of an outcome, then confidence is good, but control is better. But we face no great crisis, there is no Fascist foe awaiting our stumble so that he may pounce.

The emphasize was "most abstract".

And what is a concrete theory?

As I made clear in the thread on Absolutism and in the thread about weather God is good, I am no friend of idealism, so materialism in principle is all nice and dandy for me I suppose. But to tell you the truth, I quickly got fatigued with the wikipedia articles, especially the second one. I mean it sure is interesting if we would want to discuss philosophical history and the different approaches found there. But in essence, we want to discuss the potential use of Communism for the world and there I honestly see nothing helpful in those wikipedia articles. So it didn't answer any questions I had, but it indeed created new ones.

I linked to those articles for a reason. You wanted to know what we had intended for the world, and also questioned our attitude of historical "inevitability." It is those two philosophical tools to which I linked that we use to estimate that. You don't have to be well-schooled in Marxist materialism to agree with socialism or communism, but if you want to know the methodology of Marxists, then you must learn them. There are also many summaries and discussions of these two concepts throughout our thread, if you found the jargon too intimidating.

There is a lot of talk about what would have to be viewed as the key factor of historic development (relations of production and respectively class struggle) and that the material shaped history. As someone opposing idealism, I certainly agree with the latter (though the brain surely shouldn't be excluded from the material world, saying ideals are part of the material world, just exclusively subjectively experienced aspects of it, but I believe Marx agrees here), the former... well I think Popper got it right when he complained that it was unfalsifiable. Because what this entails for me is that it is in the end no subject to any solid criteria what was the key factor, but a mere matter of interpretation. Of choosing the way of thinking you find most useful to interpret history. And as I don't see how any assumption of whatever key factor can be proven to be inherently superior, I think the best approach is to not narrow it down like that, at least not that aggressively so as to mean some kind of law. You surely know Marx better than me and I don't know a lot, but it appears to me that in all his criticism of idealism (and I like his apparent disdain for the misuse of labels and the following over-simplified schematic thinking with regards to history), Marx commits the same fallacy idealism commits: To intuitively assume some dogma and to stick to it. He just did it in a more sophisticated way.

Meh, a lot of philosophy is "unfalsifiable," but I think Popper's criticism is better directed at idealists, including socialist idealists (i.e., those pre-Marxist socialist thinkers), because Marxism approaches history with a blend of empiricism and rationalism; it analyzes the past and present based upon demonstrable material relations, and calls upon the present and future to use that knowledge to produce concepts that "work." Marxism isn't called "the philosophy of praxis" for nothing, you know.

But well, those weren't actually questions, just my thoughts on the matter.
So lets put it that way:

Ah, the meat and potatoes. :drool:

- Why the assumption that it is useful to assume (assume, as you can't prove it), that class-struggle really determines history?

Once again, we come back to this idea of "proof." What is proof?

It is said that the means of production and their relation fundamentally shape human society. I agree, that sounds plausible. But...so? That just means that class-relations in the sense being based on the means of productions are important. I see no other conclusion that really lends itself. Most of all not the conclusion that history can be safely extrapolated to head towards an abolishment of property. Because most of all, this assumes that an abolishment of property is really a viable attribute of modern societies. But why even assume so? Is it possible? I guess, sure. Is it possible to not work? Again, I guess, sure.

Well if you had read the two links I posted, then this would probably not be a question. For further clarification, pick up The Communist Manifesto, it can be read in a day. As I have said before, we can use Marx's invention of dialectical materialism to show that the result of our social disposition in capitalism, the only possible result is socialism. It is no different from Newton having to invent calculus to demonstrate that his theory of gravity was valid. Just because Mr. Popper doesn't think it's proof doesn't mean it isn't.

That I actually read thoroughly and completely. And it was an interesting read, so thanks for that! But it didn't actually propose any policy beyond vague typical notions of the left political spectrum flavored by a particular emphasize on equality and well notions on what broad criteria would have to met to secure revolution, like extensive public support. I mean many propositions sounded likable, and I am actually inclined to support the direction proposed (though I am a little off-put with all this equality talk, because I doubt the state's ability to achieve such equality by reasonable means). I mean I do think that the economic world needs to be forced to be more friendly to human needs instead of profit for instance. But what I miss is the actual attempt to propose actual economic concepts.
And beyond this pamphlet, I miss an actual attempt at an economic concept that lacks property. If we assume that Marx was right that the relations of production are essential, than economic policy should be the main focus of a far-left-movement I'd would think. Instead it feels like it is all about values (like equality), but little about economic realities (with realities I also mean alternative realities).

I still don't get what you want. Tax rates? Wage information? Foreign policy? Structure of government?

What is the "Red" take on gun ownership by the general public?

You tell me.

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Not knowing a great deal about Marx, he stereotypically strikes me as a very "cold" and "rigid" or "intellectual" character, (maybe I'm confusing him with a stereotype of Noam Chomsky I've come to hold). Did Marx ever comment on Goethe or any of the other "Romantics"? Romanticism and its ties to nationalism, in many ways, seems like the very antithesis of Maxist internationalism.

On the one hand you have the idea that the most important thing in the world is the struggle of the "masses" against oppression and on the other you have a kind of individualistic reaction to the trials and tribulations of life. I wonder if Marx didn't think of the "romantics" as ridiculously sentimental.

I would say where the romantics had a predominately aesthetic approach to the world Marx was more scientific. I just can't imagine Marx as a romantic or having anything to do with them. Did he ever say anything substantial in response to them?

EDIT: I sort of see the romantics as an alternative reaction to industrialism compared to that of Marx. Both were critical of industrial society but where Marx saw resolution to the situation in the communist revolution of "tomorrow" I tend to think the romantics tended to look backwards to an idyllic "yesterday".
 
Bluntly, no. The authority of capital is international, so any challenge to it would have to be similarly international.
Along these lines, what's your take then on individualist attempts to "opt out" of capitalism?
Admirable? Productive? Possible?
 
Personal question.

Is there an amount of money, that, if you received it as a windfall you would not be prepared to forgo if granted the hypothetical opportunity to trade it in for global communism (and the system of your choice)? I'm not being facetious, I wouldn't perceive it as hypocritical to say "stuff it, I'll sacrifice my principles for the cash and prizes"
 
Not knowing a great deal about Marx, he stereotypically strikes me as a very "cold" and "rigid" or "intellectual" character, (maybe I'm confusing him with a stereotype of Noam Chomsky I've come to hold). Did Marx ever comment on Goethe or any of the other "Romantics"? Romanticism and its ties to nationalism, in many ways, seems like the very antithesis of Maxist internationalism.

I like how the being un-"Romantic" means you're "cold" and "rigid".
 
Not knowing a great deal about Marx, he stereotypically strikes me as a very "cold" and "rigid" or "intellectual" character, (maybe I'm confusing him with a stereotype of Noam Chomsky I've come to hold). Did Marx ever comment on Goethe or any of the other "Romantics"? Romanticism and its ties to nationalism, in many ways, seems like the very antithesis of Maxist internationalism.

On the one hand you have the idea that the most important thing in the world is the struggle of the "masses" against oppression and on the other you have a kind of individualistic reaction to the trials and tribulations of life. I wonder if Marx didn't think of the "romantics" as ridiculously sentimental.

I would say where the romantics had a predominately aesthetic approach to the world Marx was more scientific. I just can't imagine Marx as a romantic or having anything to do with them. Did he ever say anything substantial in response to them?

EDIT: I sort of see the romantics as an alternative reaction to industrialism compared to that of Marx. Both were critical of industrial society but where Marx saw resolution to the situation in the communist revolution of "tomorrow" I tend to think the romantics tended to look backwards to an idyllic "yesterday".
Marx's relationship to romanticism was actually pretty complicated, far more so than I could sketch out here, not least because I barely understand it meself. But, to sketch it in rough terms, what we can say about Marx is that while he was not a Romantic, he was not an anti-Romantic. Especially in his earlier work, his critique of capitalism is not simply scientific but humanistic, a humanism deeply informed by Romantic critiques of what were increasingly proving to be the false promises of the Enlightenment, and indeed construct this critique in terms of "alienation", an approach taken- with criticial modifications, of course- from the Hegelians. Marx talks about turning Hegel "on his head", applying Hegelian methodologies within a materialist framework, and in many ways that describes how he approached Romantic critiques of industrial capitalism: not quite a rejection, but a reappropriation of their critical instruments.

(Part of the complication is that Marx is not a thoroughly systematic thinker, and there exist in his work certain tensions, such as that between his Hegelian and positivist methodologies, which he himself never resolved. I don't think it would be unreasonable to say that Marx himself never really knew where he stood in relationship to romanticism.)

It doesn't do to over-stress Marx's Romantic influences, especially because these were simple inconsistencies as often as they were points of any great theoretical significance (take his often bafflingly uncriticial acceptance of nations as actually-existing entities, for example), but it's important to refute the Super-Scientifico-Extraordinaire image presented by the Second and Third Internationals by acknowledging this stuff.


Along these lines, what's your take then on individualist attempts to "opt out" of capitalism?
Admirable? Productive? Possible?
I don't really have a single, coherent attitude on "opting-out", so all I can really is a rough sketch, if you'll bear with me.

As you're no doubt aware, there's the traditional Marxian criticisms of opting-out- that it's "utopian", "ahistorical", etc.- and as far as this applies to sweeping programs á la Proudhon, I'm in agreement. I don't think we can will ourselves out of capitalism.

However, I don't think that this is the only level at which one can address the question of opting-out, and the tendency to make these same old criticisms and leave it at that reflects the problematic tendency among Marxists to fix themselves on the fairly abstract level of politics.

Instead, I think struggle has to be understood more organically, as a struggle that begins fundamentally with daily life, and the reproduction of daily life. This is something which was famously explored by the Situationists, but since then a lot of interesting thought has come out of the various ultra-left tendencies (Marxist, anarchist, and those which are not quite either).

What comes out of this is an understanding of class struggle not as something grand and exclusively political, but as fundamentally something very personal, which we resist however we can. In this light, "opting-out" something entirely understandable, not a cowardly retreat from the struggle, as the Trots would have us believe, but simply one way among many of responding do the daily immiseration of capitalism.

The disputes emerge when we ask how this plugs into a larger struggle. Some of the insurrectionists see this as the only viable collective in non-revolutionary circumstances, even going so far to describe it as what the Tiqqun collective calls a "communism of withdrawal" that prefigures a more generalised "communism of attack". The more "deterministic" groups, such as Theorie Communiste, are less enthusiastic, and tend to see it as limited precisely to expression, a cry of distress rather than a substantial challenge to capital.

Between these, I think the autonomists offer a more nuanced analysis, which preserves an understanding of the need for the development of broader intersubjectivities, what they describe as the process of class composition, with the possibility that withdrawn spaces may in fact contribute to that process.

Both the insurrectos and the determinists tend to assume that any opting-out is a permanent and isolated state, something undertaken by a small number of dedicated dropouts; the stereotypical hippy commune or anarcho-punk squat. In contrast to this, the autonomists (who were themselves born out of the social instability of the 1970s) see the possibility of these spaces being plugged into a more general movement, not something isolated from the working class/proletariat/multitude/99%/term-of-the-week, but something embedded within it. Social centres, even communes, become nodes within a broader network of resistance.

In this scenario, "opting-out" does not mean creating a space in which capitalism is absent, but rather a concentration of anti-capital: still defined by capital, but wholly opposed to it. This, I think, is something with a lot of value, and although I don't know how one might go about integrating this with the more prefigurative approach of for example the Tolstoyans, I do think that it would be a fruitful area of inquiry.

(That may not have made much sense, because I wrote in a pretty discombulated, back-and-forth manner, so don't hesitate to say if there's anything here that doesn't add up.)

Personal question.

Is there an amount of money, that, if you received it as a windfall you would not be prepared to forgo if granted the hypothetical opportunity to trade it in for global communism (and the system of your choice)? I'm not being facetious, I wouldn't perceive it as hypocritical to say "stuff it, I'll sacrifice my principles for the cash and prizes"
No, I don't think so (or, at least, I wouldn't like to think so). For me, communism is not simply a matter of principles, but of ethics in the very immediate sense of how one should live one's life. I do not believe that is possible to live well in capitalism, only to live more or less badly, because to put it bluntly the essential terms of capitalism- the mediation of our collective reproduction by commercial exchange- are incompatible with what it is to be a human being.
 
In this scenario, "opting-out" does not mean creating a space in which capitalism is absent, but rather a concentration of anti-capital: still defined by capital, but wholly opposed to it. This, I think, is something with a lot of value, and although I don't know how one might go about integrating this with the more prefigurative approach of for example the Tolstoyans, I do think that it would be a fruitful area of inquiry.
Well, while a Tolstayan commune would be fairly easy to establish compared to other models (not needing legal recognition for some of the other things other communes might). Certainly if I thought I had the skill and resources to start something like that, I certainly would.
What I was wondering about, and I suppose this is a behavior more common on the American Far-Right then the Far Left, but what are your thoughts on, as an individual, detaching yourself from Capitalism. Say, by getting a shack in Montana. For reasons like these:

I do not believe that is possible to live well in capitalism, only to live more or less badly.
 
This may be simplistic, but is this not how it would work?:

People would bring their production to a central location. If they needed something they would take it. There was no bartering whatsoever in the process.

Of course there would need to be some election as to who would make sure the "produce would not spoil" by upkeep of the "wharehouse" to ensure that things did not go to waste. Or throw out that which did. Eventually there would be equalibrium and people would stop producing what was not taken and concentrate on that which people needed.

People would be free to produce what they thought would be a new demand, but items would be "equalized" based on need and not demand.
 
Well, while a Tolstayan commune would be fairly easy to establish compared to other models (not needing legal recognition for some of the other things other communes might). Certainly if I thought I had the skill and resources to start something like that, I certainly would.
What I was wondering about, and I suppose this is a behavior more common on the American Far-Right then the Far Left, but what are your thoughts on, as an individual, detaching yourself from Capitalism. Say, by getting a shack in Montana. For reasons like these:
Oh, right. That didn't really occur to me, I suppose because I'm looking at it from a Western European perspective where that sort of thing basically isn't feasible, so "opting-out" generally means agrarian communes or DIY or whatever.

Anyway, that I suppose I would be more sceptical of. I think that sociality is a big part of living well, and that shutting yourself even from the limited opportunities for authentic human relationships available in capitalism probably does you more harm than good. (I would venture that part of living as well as you can under capitalism is not just struggling against capital, but struggling with others, but that would be getting a bit more speculative.) I would honestly understand why somebody might want to try it, but it seems to me the wrong way of going about it.

This may be simplistic, but is this not how it would work?:

People would bring their production to a central location. If they needed something they would take it. There was no bartering whatsoever in the process.

Of course there would need to be some election as to who would make sure the "produce would not spoil" by upkeep of the "wharehouse" to ensure that things did not go to waste. Or throw out that which did. Eventually there would be equalibrium and people would stop producing what was not taken and concentrate on that which people needed.

People would be free to produce what they thought would be a new demand, but items would be "equalized" based on need and not demand.
People actually bringing all their stuff to one place and putting it in a big pile is a bit archaic for any sort of a free-access communism that we'd encounter today, and I imagine that a lot of the technologies that contribute to today's "just-in-time" production would help address some of the supply-demand problems, but, yeah, that's as broad sketch that's as good as any.
 
@Cheezy
To ask me again what I actually want to know is a good question. Here it is in a probably more coherent and thought-through manner:
To my understanding, what distinguishes what I will label with the vague term "far left" from what I will vaguely label as the moderate left "social democracy", is that while the moderate left seeks to soften the negative symptoms of capitalism (be it employees rights and protection, be it minimum wages, protection or legal incorporation of unions, social security and the like), the far left is not satisfied with that but seeks to engage capitalism at its core mechanisms. The extreme here being the outright abolishment of property and hence capitalism.
What I am interested in are ideas and concepts how that exactly may be done - but not from an political but economic angle. And how that is supposed to work. I ask so, because while such concepts may be easily imaginable in a fairly manageable environment, modern economies as a whole appear to be the opposite of fairly manageable. They are immensely complex, full of hardly graspable interdependencies and various inevitably conflicting individual interests. That becomes vivid when one looks at the in my perception great difficulties economists have to truly understand the economy, even though this topic is in such vogue for its obvious importance. And the reason I see that this works as it does, that it creates all the material wealth and economic life it does, is the exact same thing which in the eyes of the far left makes it so horrendous. That is: The power of the capitalist class to hierarchically direct economic life, but in contrast to a public entity to do so in a very adaptable and inventive manner through the "invisible hand". The idea of such an invisible hand surely is kind of archaic from a modern point of view, it is a gross simplification. But the principle still holds true: That is the principle of self-regulation enabled by the coercion of property.
And I wonder, how it is assumed that the base of this principle can be challenged, while keeping the economy as efficient as it is. Hence also my question, if Communism even is assumed to mean the same or even greater efficiency/productivity. This was answered with a reference to the inefficiencies property creates and I recognize and accept them. But that doesn't address the question, how a modern economy as characterized can be efficiently coordinated if tackling capitalism or even abolishing it.
I don't think I personally require much convincing that what the far left envisions sounds at least in principle pretty awesome. But about economic feasibility I am only left to wonder.
Well naturally it's not so cut and dry. I had thought that much wouldn't need to be said. But in a world of caricatures, I suppose it does. Class struggle is not what decides all of human events. But it is what gives shape to our societies and the material relations between people.
Well you have to understand this part of my post as a response to what I thought was you arguing for the feasibility of Communism with a supposed destiny of history. So I responded to what I thought to be a caricature of an argument with pointing out its caricature-like nature :p
Relax, I meant it as a tongue in cheek prod.
Hug time!
But if you were not riposting the points made by the video, then why did your response come off as so dismissive of their obviously flawed logic?
Ah I don't know, maybe I did directly dismiss a point, I would have to rewatch it (and don't care to :p). But as I recall, the video made no direct assumptions about the role of money, but only went like "OMG look what this incredible experiment shows! It's like - Communism" and then went on to talk about soft factors increasing creativity. But well, in context of this video those experiments are IMO not that useful. Think of anxiety. It is established that a medium level of anxiety is best. The need to right now do something you have no routine in for a large amount of money may quit likely call for high anxiety though. Crippling mental capacities.
And after pointing that out, I went on to argue that those soft factors are not necessarily contradictory to capitalism, but just required smart management and that is something the video didn't actually argue against. For instance think of Google. I have heard that it is their management policy to give their employees a free space of working time for creative thinking, for persueing their own projects. Seems to be the exact thing the video talks about, but in a capitalistic frame.
I think the despotism and bifurcation of society makes socialism not merely desirable, but inevitable. People will seek escape, and in a way that is most antithetical.
[...]
I linked to those articles for a reason. You wanted to know what we had intended for the world, and also questioned our attitude of historical "inevitability." It is those two philosophical tools to which I linked that we use to estimate that. You don't have to be well-schooled in Marxist materialism to agree with socialism or communism, but if you want to know the methodology of Marxists, then you must learn them.
Maybe so, and I actually intend so. One of my areas of studies is sociology so I am no stranger to “intimidating” jargons, but I did not get around to read The Capital or other works of Marx, but eventual will.
For now, I finally did read the linked articles. I even read the majority of the German article on historical materialism (which is surprisingly superior in quality - usually German wiki is left to smell the dust of the English one + it allows me to read the original quotes of Marx and Engels).

You're using circular reasoning. Basically you've said that productivity is good...because it is. I guess that you think it's good because it leads to abundance, and abundance leads to greater material quality of life for more people?
Basically yeah. I didn't think I would need to edge out why productivity in principle is a good thing. We take so many things granted these days, but the fact is that this all is quit wondrous when compared to early stages of human societies. The key ingredient: productivity. So I think it is only reasonable to postulate, that any form of society which lacks at least a decent amount of productivity (vague I know - but I hardly can offer hard numbers) is no desirable option.
I won't argue with that. What I will argue with is the idea that economic despotism is required to achieve that productivity.
I will never be convinced that snap-of-the-fingers power over someone else's life is necessary in order for us to have an affluent society. After all, in this system we're speaking of, it's not merely autocracy we're talking about, it's exploitation. The possessors of this autocratic power utilize it to milk laborers' productive power for profit. They keep the lion's share of the wealth their workers produce for themselves.
When we look at large corporations - are the earnings of shareholders really the lion's share? Or the wages of management? I don't know, but have profound doubts. Such a business model does not appear survivable in a market of fierce price competition. I mean there certainly is a distribution of wealth that hardly can be called fair. We all know those abysmal wealth distribution charts. Income charts are better, but still highly unfair. Yet your rhetoric of exploitation - while having a core which rings true - does not seem to capture the true dynamics behind this.
And we are supposed to believe that this is necessary for modern society to function and prosper?
Maybe not. I sincerely hope not. It literally disgusts me how the current system intentionally reduces the individual to an economic factor to be used. But I also would think that the burden to demonstrate so rests with you and other proponents of an alternative way.
But as I've said before, I think the despotism and bifurcation of society makes socialism not merely desirable, but inevitable. People will seek escape, and in a way that is most antithetical.
This apparent key ingredient of Communist thought is besides the supposed merits of an abolishment of property my biggest trouble and they appear to be strongly linked. But we will get to this later on.
But we face no great crisis, there is no Fascist foe awaiting our stumble so that he may pounce.
Just wait what happens when you actually start your revolution ;) Though nukes will probably help...
And what is a concrete theory?
Come on, this was an illustration, not a matter of definition. But let's not quibble over this. It just would entangle us in pointless rhetorics.
Meh, a lot of philosophy is "unfalsifiable," but I think Popper's criticism is better directed at idealists, including socialist idealists (i.e., those pre-Marxist socialist thinkers), because Marxism approaches history with a blend of empiricism and rationalism; it analyzes the past and present based upon demonstrable material relations, and calls upon the present and future to use that knowledge to produce concepts that "work." Marxism isn't called "the philosophy of praxis" for nothing, you know.
[...]
Once again, we come back to this idea of "proof." What is proof?
Well in general it is the validation by empirics while excluding other potential causations which would yield different empirics in a given instance. History here poses a special problem, as it never repeats as such. So you can not actually test theories. But that already demonstrates that any theory on history has to be taken with a huge grain of salt.
But according to the English wikipedia article
"Marx himself took care to indicate that he was only proposing a guideline to historical research (Leitfaden or Auffassung), and was not providing any substantive "theory of history" or "grand philosophy of history", let alone a "master-key to history"
As I understand this passage, historical materialism is only meant to highlight substantial and on the long run overriding trends in history and their essential causes. If it was limited to an observation of the mere fundamental importance of productive relations and the productive forces, I would have no problem with this. It in deed seems very plausible and useful as an insight, that the fundamental economic structure and the fundamental kind of means and yields involved shape societies to a significant degree.
However, it for me becomes problematic when the matter of class struggle enters the equation.
A quote by Marx:
The actual historical process is not predetermined but depends on the class struggle, especially the organization and consciousness of the working class.
Not predetermined? Okay, that sounds great, as this was an impression I got. If a system benefits an elite, than the ones not benefiting by it will have to challenge it to make a change. Again, that sounds sensible. Yet... what about other factors? Did the Roman empire dissolve because of slave revolts? Did English courts sneekingly introduce the concept of a right for labor (in the sense that one may choose where and what to do for a living) based on common law because of class struggle (a right giving birth to the ideology of the free citizen)? Did Japan enter industrialization because of class struggle?
Marx says he does not intend to suggest a key to all history. Yet, it appears he does: class struggle. And I wonder how empirically sound it is without engaging in intellectual acrobatics.
Well if you had read the two links I posted, then this would probably not be a question.
To be honest, after reading every word - my question was not answered at all. At least not in a way I was even remotely satisfied by. Marx does not seem to have a word on how a lack of property really could/would work out. He just uses his theory to declare it had to happen. A theory which I think (and up there tried to illustrate) poses considerable trouble when compared with actual historic development.
For further clarification, pick up The Communist Manifesto, it can be read in a day.
Ha, I actually spotted an audio book of it on audible today. Audio books are great for education on the way! :D
As I have said before, we can use Marx's invention of dialectical materialism to show that the result of our social disposition in capitalism, the only possible result is socialism.
Do you seriously believe that the concept of Thesis and Antithesis is a good way to understand societies or reality? Doesn't that come down to an arbitrary and artificial way of structuring one's perception of reality? I mean if done correctly I imagine one could force any number of potentially crazy theories into such a concept. But is existence really fundamentally dual in an objective way? Do we have to few everything in the realm of two extremes to truly understand it, or is it possibly just the result of a fundamental cognitive bias, as cognitive science suggests? I am really baffled why dialectical materialism enjoys support by people like you who I judge to be fairly smart.
And oh I got such a great quote on "the only possible result" by Engels from the German wiki:
... but that this struggle had reached a stage now, where the exploited and oppressed class (the proletariat) could no longer free itself of the oppressing class (the Bourgeoisie), without at the same time abolishing the whole society of exploitation, oppression and class warfare forever - this line of thought is only and exclusive to be attributed to Marx. [translation by me]
Spoiler original :
daß dieser Kampf aber jetzt eine Stufe erreicht hat, wo die ausgebeutete und unterdrückte Klasse (das Proletariat) sich nicht mehr von der sie ausbeutenden und unterdrückenden Klasse (der Bourgeosie) befreien kann, ohne zugleich die ganze Gesellschaft für immer von Ausbeutung, Unterdrückung und Klassenkämpfen zu befreien – dieser Grundgedanke gehört einzig und ausschließlich Marx an.

And I think Engel distanced himself from it rightfully. Even if we accept Marx' theory on historical development depending on class struggle, this still does not suggest that the abolishment of property was actually the next step. First of all because alternatives, as Engles argues, aren't considered. Secondly, if there are none, this still does not mean the abolishment of property would work. And see, that is the reason why I dared to judge historical materialism while only knowing its prime claims. Because the idea to theorize history and to then be able to predict that history would have to lead to the adaption of a totally untested concept of relations of productions screams of hubris. Tell me you believe this and I gladly ask you questions about this believe. Tell me that you think it has to be that way and I can not help but forget the "Ask a" and go into attack mode. It just seems too obviously and inherently faith-based to me. I really don't get it why reasonable people would accept something like this.
It is no different from Newton having to invent calculus to demonstrate that his theory of gravity was valid.
But Marx does not even demonstrate anything with actual predictive power, does he? He just makes theoretic assumptions about human history (while surely useful - I like what I read) I see no reason to take at face value, goes on to assume that all material existence is the history of opposing extremes struggling with each other (where, pardon me, I see even less reason to take it at face value) and based on this philosophy proclaims that the exact opposite of the current mode of production would have to be the result: the lack of property. That to me is everything but exact science. Hell I would not even dare to call it science. As my writing style may reveal, I am having trouble to keep my temper in check here. But it just is soo horrendous! Okay, sorry for my rambling, that is not the finest or productive debating style...
So to get more substantial: Why even pick property as the thing which has to turn in its opposite? That is the lack of property. Because it is the fundamental aspect of capitalism? Why pick that? With the end of slavery the ability to own people did not end. It just turned into serfdom. You see the inconsistency here?
Just because Mr. Popper doesn't think it's proof doesn't mean it isn't.
I think it objectively isn't. It lacks all the requirements of proof. To be falsifiable being the most fundamentally one. Just like a faith in God is not accepted as prove, no matter how hard you try to rationalize it. Because it is unfalsifiable. A parallel which I think motivated Propper to call historical materialism religion-like. You may want to point out that many theories are unfalsifiable (and in deed did), bu those theories also don't prove jack. They can help to increase understanding (a lot of sociology seems to be about that) and I think historical materialism does provide such understanding, but they always can also lead you astray. Especially if you decide to accept them as dogma. Like religion.
 
So to get more substantial: Why even pick property as the thing which has to turn in its opposite? That is the lack of property.
Just to jump in, I don't think that this is this something that Marx actually argues. Communism is for not the "opposite" of capitalism, not a simple inversion, but its supersession, which is something altogether different. His claim is that labour is the negation of capital, and that communism is the negation of labour, the "negation of the negation". This is not the "opposite" of capitalism or private property, any more than ash is the "opposite" of wood, it is simply what is left after the fire.
 
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