Traitorfish
The Tighnahulish Kid
I didn't mean to suggest that the Manifesto was irrelevant, simply that its very far from complete. And why shouldn't it be? You can't expect a text from 1848 to bear the load of explaining the world in 2013, let alone responding to it. It contains still-pertinent themes, yes, but other works address the same themes with a sounder theoretical basis and in reference to much more contemporary iterations of capitalism.Au Contraire!, read Engels' Preface to the German Edition of 1891 -- after Marx's death. It is very relevant. The reason I started with the Manifesto (that is, after you find out about your own labor situation and the national and regional and local history of progressive organizing) is that it defines the terms of the struggle -- the "unity of opposites," as it were so that one can even understand who WE are, and who THEY are. It also cleverly points out in Section III some political tendencies that still exist today.
The soviets were not Lenin's, but by 1917 Lenin was an unapologetic partisan of the soviets. His pre-1905 writings belong very much to the pre-history of Leninism, very little more than Kautskyism with a sternly-set jaw. The Lenin of "Where to Begin" and the Lenin of "State & Revolution" are not the same, regardless of the fact they shared a name and a haircut.Read Where to Begin here
It does predate the soviets of 1905, but the soviets of 1905 were NOT Lenin's. This is an important debate. You are right, Lenin never deviated from this treatise -- and Lenin won.
A red flag does not socialism make.True. Reading Gruber's Introductionj from International Communism in the Era of Lenin will provide a context. Add to that the fact the EVERY Party that has won a socialist revolution has adhered to these principles -- even in the absence of an announced international: Russia, China, Cuba, Viet Nam. And those who continued to adhere to these principles have stayed in power: Cuba, China, Viet Nam. Those who did not either befell the "Great Power" Chauvanism of the USSR or were so heavily dependent on her that they collapsed when she did.
Correlation, or causation? It's hardly obvious.Those who did not approve of the 21 Conditions, most notably the German and Italian Parties, not only LOST their contest, but their nations became fascist.
Near-totally, I'd say. Beyond a shared reference point in Marx (which doesn't even amount to a shared reading of Marx), I don't think that I have much more in common with your average "anti-Revisionist" than with your average liberal.For some reason I find what Traitorfish says far different and more appealing than what you say. Just how ideologically divergent are you? (Or vice versa)
I think it reflects the historical limitations of the mass union as a form of industrial organisation. The function of the (mainstream, bureaucratic) unions within capitalism isn't as an organisation of labour, not fundamentally, but as a mediator between labour and capital. They deliver material well-being and even a limited say in administration to labour, and they deliver industrial discipline to capital. (Social democratic parties fulfil much the same role at a more general level.) They're about what Giddens (no radical!) described as "institutionalising class conflict". In the post-war period, that worked like a charm.How are you guys explaining the decline of unions? Not just in traditional areas - manufacturing, government - but also the complete lack of unions in a lot of new industries? (I've long since thrown my hands up in confusion over the whole thing, since even quite savage job cuts in state government here haven't done much to boost union membership).
Problem is, in the last few decades, the reorganisation of the labour-process has made unions less necessary to maintain industrial discipline, while the declining profitability of capital mean that what discipline they can offer isn't much worth the cost. Unions cease to be of much use to capital, which increasingly prefers to incorporate its functions into its own, directly-controlled structures. This puts unions in a defensive position, concerned largely with preserving their own status as industrial mediator- and, if they have time, almost as an afterthought, the wages and benefits of their members- which puts expanding into newer industries very low on their priorities, while the fact that they generally aren't even very good at defensive struggle, something which has always been premised on a fast-fading usefulness to capital, undermines their position in older industries.
That's all very generalised, of course, and in reality it's all tied up in particular sectional and local issues; you can't understand the decline of British unions without the miners' strike, for example, and the miners' strike is a specifically British event. But, as a broad outline, I think that it tends to hold true.
I think the function of Catholic economic teachings is, by and large, to play the good cop. Preaching for justice within the terms of the existing social order is always, ultimately, an affirmation of that social order. It's the same essential role as that played by the unions and the social democratic parties that I mentioned above to Masada, delivering social discipline in exchange for material well-being.Oh, and because it's topical:
What are your thoughts on the Catholic Church's economic teachings, and do you feel this makes the Catholic Church a force of more harm or good for the world?
It's hard to say whether that makes it a force for harm. Politically, I prefer the iron fist without the velvet glove. (Thatcherite declarations of "no alternative" at least have the virtue of conceding openly that capitalism is rotten through necessity, and not simply poor or unethical leadership.) But a lot of people rely on the material benefits this stuff brings about, and I'm hesitant to declare that they'd be better off in immediately greater poverty for the sake of hypothetical future prosperity.