Democrats push ahead on financial regulation over Republicans but sell out anyway

Karalysia

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WASHINGTON — Democrats said on Thursday that they would go it alone in an effort to pass an overhaul of financial regulation, increasing the likelihood of a bitter partisan showdown.

Senator Christopher J. Dodd of Connecticut, chairman of the Senate Banking Committee, said he would put forward his own bill on Monday, despite the lack of a single Republican endorsement. Democrats concluded that bipartisan talks were not making enough progress and that going their own way was the only realistic hope of getting the legislation adopted in an election year, he said.

Mr. Dodd said the bill would rewrite the rules of Wall Street, end the “too big to fail” phenomenon and protect consumers from risky or abusive financial products. The Congressional calendar meant that further delay could imperil the legislation’s chances, he said.

The chief Republican negotiator on the bill, Senator Bob Corker of Tennessee, called Mr. Dodd’s decision “very disappointing” and said, “There’s no question that White House politics and health care have kept us from getting to the goal line.”

Mr. Corker said the impasse was caused by the Democratic threat to use the parliamentary procedure known as reconciliation to overhaul health care. “The elephant in the room is reconciliation,” he said, describing Mr. Dodd as “a victim of health care policy.”

The White House, which has called the legislation one of its top priorities, rejected that explanation. “Republicans in the Senate are going to have to ask themselves why they would stand in the way of financial reform,” Mr. Obama’s press secretary, Robert Gibbs, said at a news conference.

Mr. Gibbs, who said that “lobbyists are being hired hand over fist to kill financial reform,” said of lawmakers: “I don’t believe many are going to want to go home and face voters next November not having done something.”

While Mr. Dodd and Mr. Corker took pains to praise each other and held out hope that a compromise could still be achieved, the developments clearly made the prospects for the legislation more difficult.

Mr. Dodd said he intended for the committee to take up formal consideration of the bill during the week of March 22, with the goal of a committee vote before Congress recesses on March 26.
“As time moves on, you just limit the possibility of getting something done, particularly a bill of this magnitude and this complexity,” he said.

But Mr. Corker said it “would be a travesty” to push a bill of such length and complexity through in one week.

The lack of agreement put the process closer to a showdown. Democrats, who control 59 votes in the Senate, would have to successfully woo at least one Republican to achieve the 60 votes needed to overcome a filibuster.

The Senate majority leader, Harry Reid of Nevada, said that Mr. Dodd “has done his very utmost to do something on a bipartisan basis.” He said of Mr. Dodd’s impending proposal, “I hope it’s something that we can move on quickly.”

Senator Richard C. Shelby of Alabama, top Republican on the committee, who found himself in the unusual position of being largely left out of the negotiations after his talks with Mr. Dodd broke down last month, issued a conciliatory statement. “As long as we remain focused on policy and not politics, an agreement is still very possible,” he said.

Labor, consumer and civil rights groups have been increasingly critical of Mr. Dodd, and Mr. Corker said he believed that Mr. Dodd, who is retiring at the end of this year, was responding to pressure from the left.

In a news conference, Mr. Corker disclosed significant details about compromises that he said had been reached with Mr. Dodd, as well as remaining areas of disagreement.

He said that both sides had agreed to house a new consumer financial protection agency within the Federal Reserve, with a director appointed by the president and broad ability to write rules governing mortgages, credit cards and the so-called shadow banking system of payday lenders, debt collectors, and loan originators and servicers.

Whether that agency would have independent enforcement powers has been a major point of contention. Mr. Corker said Mr. Dodd had agreed that the agency would not be able to conduct its own compliance examinations, as consumer advocates have urged. Instead, other regulators, who are already charged with ensuring the soundness of banks, would take on the responsibility for protecting consumers, too.

The negotiators had also agreed, Mr. Corker said, to strip the Fed of its power to supervise bank holding companies except those with assets of $100 billion or more. Whether to remove from the central bank its oversight of state-chartered banks that are members of the Fed system, he said, was still to be determined. WTH IS THIS NONSENE????

“The Fed no doubt is going to have its wings clipped,” he said.

Consensus had also been reached on the creation of an interagency council, led by the Treasury, to detect and monitor systemic risk; the establishment of an Office of Research and Analysis that would give the council daily updates on the stability of individual firms and their trading partners; and the removal of credit rating agencies’ exemption from liability under securities laws.

Mr. Corker revealed several areas that remained in dispute at the point that Mr. Dodd announced that he would move ahead on his own.

One of them, he said, was the extent to which banks would be exempt from new requirements for greater transparency in the trading of derivatives. While standardized derivatives would have to be traded through clearinghouses, some banks have pushed to have transactions of some of their most complex derivatives — including the credit-default swaps that helped bring on the financial crisis — shielded from public view.

Gary G. Gensler, the chairman of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, said on Thursday that the loophole some banks were seeking would exempt as much as 60 percent of derivatives. The banks have found allies in companies like Boeing and Caterpillar that use derivatives to hedge against risk, but such derivatives trades make up only 9 percent of the market, Mr. Gensler said.

Other areas of disagreement, Mr. Corker said, included whether shareholders should be allowed an advisory vote, by proxy, on executive compensation, and how much credit risk mortgage originators should be required to keep when they packaged and sold loans.

Mr. Corker also said that details remained to be worked out over a new “resolution authority” that would empower the government to seize and dismantle a systemically important financial institution on the verge of failure.

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/12/business/12regulate.html?hp

Really? Really? We're going to push ahead with financial regulation but GUESS WHAT WE"RE GOING TO SELL OUT ANYWAY!!!!
 
does sell out to you mean not nationalising all the banks?
 
Read this section:

The negotiators had also agreed, Mr. Corker said, to strip the Fed of its power to supervise bank holding companies except those with assets of $100 billion or more. Whether to remove from the central bank its oversight of state-chartered banks that are members of the Fed system, he said, was still to be determined.

“The Fed no doubt is going to have its wings clipped,” he said.

Consensus had also been reached on the creation of an interagency council, led by the Treasury, to detect and monitor systemic risk; the establishment of an Office of Research and Analysis that would give the council daily updates on the stability of individual firms and their trading partners; and the removal of credit rating agencies’ exemption from liability under securities laws.

Mr. Corker revealed several areas that remained in dispute at the point that Mr. Dodd announced that he would move ahead on his own.

One of them, he said, was the extent to which banks would be exempt from new requirements for greater transparency in the trading of derivatives. While standardized derivatives would have to be traded through clearinghouses, some banks have pushed to have transactions of some of their most complex derivatives — including the credit-default swaps that helped bring on the financial crisis — shielded from public view.
 
Well, regulation could stifle growth. How is a bank ever expected to get too big to fail if you regulate it?
 
Please annex us.

Never. Then we'd have to put up with the Teabaggers, Birthers and Libertarians. No thank you, we have enough problem with those types here in Alberta.


Seriously though, I don't like the phrase 'too big to fail'. Implies that if they were smaller, everyone would be magically better off. All you have to do is not let them do all the ******ed crap that would make them fair in the first place. And get moving; the sooner your economy gets better, we can stop all this talk of the Canadian Dollar being worth more than the American Dollar, and our economy will go back to boom as we make a killing selling all our junk to you. And yes, you heard me, the Canadian Dollar is forecast to overtake the US Dollar this year if the things on the radio and my patchy memory are to be believed.
 
It's pretty simple. Banks should not be able to use the fed window to lever up certain trading platforms. However, to assume they shouldn't inventory liquid markets is a joke.
 
Senator Dodd is retiring at the end of the year, yes? So he will soon be on the lobbyist payroll if he behaves himself.
 
I know reading is hard but you should give it a shot:

Section 2: Democratic Control of Productive and Social Life

The Capitalist Marketplace
As democratic socialists we are committed to ensuring that any market is the servant of the public good and not its master. Liberty, equality, and solidarity will require not only democratic control over economic life, but also a progressively financed, decentralized, and quality public sector. Free markets or private charity cannot provide adequate public goods and services.

Transnational corporate domination does not result merely from the operation of a pure market,but from conscious government actions, from tax policy to deregulation, that structure the economy in the interest of corporate power. The capitalist market economy not only suppresses global living standards, but also means chronic underfunding of socially necessary public goods,from research and development to preventive health care and job training.

The market and its ideology is rife with internal contradictions. While capitalists abhor public planning as inefficient and counter productive, transnational corporations make decisions with tremendous social consequences, including automation, plant shutdowns and relocations, mergers and acquisitions, new investment and disinvestment--all without democratic input. They also engage in unrelenting efforts to control the market, even through illegal means such as price fixing,antitrust violations, and other collusion.

In the workplace, capitalism eschews democracy. Individual employees do not negotiate the terms of their employment except in rare circumstances, when their labor is very highly skilled. Without unions, employees are hired and fired at will. Corporations govern through hierarchical power relations more characteristic of monopolies than of free markets. Simply put, the domination of the economy by privately-owned corporation is not the most rational and equitable way to govern our economic life.

Vision of a Socialist Economy
The operation of a democratic socialist economy is the subject of continuing debate within DSA. First it must mirror democratic socialism's commitment to institutional and social pluralism. Democratic, representative control over fiscal, monetary, and trade policy would enable citizens to have a voice in setting the basic framework of economic policy--what social investment is needed, who should own or control basic industries, and how they might be governed.

While broad investment decisions and fiscal and monetary policies are best made by democratic processes, many argue that the market best coordinates supply with demand for goods, services,and labor. Regulated markets can guarantee efficiency, consumer choice and labor mobility. However, democratic socialists recognize that market mechanisms do generate inequalities of wealth and income. But, the social ownership characteristic of a socialist society will greatly limit inequality. In fact, widespread worker and public ownership will greatly lessen the corrosive effect of capitalists markets on people's lives. Social need will outrank narrow profitability as the measure of success for our economic life.

Interactions of Economy and Society
Democratic socialists are committed to the development of social movements dedicated to ending any and all forms of noneconomic domination. As activists within these movements, with a visible socialist identity, we bring an analysis of how the globalization of capital influences racism, sexism,homophobia, and environmental degradation.

Economic democracy alone cannot end the domination of some over others, but it is a prerequisite, especially given how global capital uses racial, national, and gender divisions to divide the world's work force. Yet traditional assumptions about the universal nature of the working class no longer adequately describe who will fight for a radical democracy. People identify with the fight for social justice in many ways. As socialists within the social movements, we bring a vision and politics that argues for the democratic control of transnational corporate power as a necessary,though not sufficient, condition for racial, gender, and economic justice.

Racism, sexism, xenophobia, and resentment of the poor are exacerbated by economic insecurity.Those threatened by economic restructuring and decline may view less privileged people as competitors or even enemies. For example, some have caricatured affirmative action as a system of strict racial quotas and preferences, ensuring jobs for the non qualified, rather than as a largely successful effort to open up the job market to women and people of color excluded by existing,often prejudicial, methods of recruitment and hiring. Racism, sexism, and homophobia are not the only forms of oppression that both predate capitalism and are continually transformed by it.The persistence of anti-Semitism, for example, has no single explanation. Discrimination based on age is prevalent and affects both young and old. Discrimination occurs in a myriad of forms, and a socialist society must eradicate all of them.

Ending environmental degradation and building a sustainable world--meeting today's needs without jeopardizing future generations--require new ways of thinking about socialism as well. The depletion of nonrenewable resources and the pollution of our air and water argue both for regulatory protection and reforming market incentives in order to reverse corporate and individual behavior. The victims of pollution are most often people of color and lower income communities. Environmental protection and environmental justice must be part of a democratic socialist agenda.

Social movements have helped democratic socialists to shape a broader perspective of socialism -one that recognizes that economic change is a necessary, but not sufficient condition for justice.They have guided us toward a deeper pluralist vision of socialism as the humanizing of relationships between men and women, between whites and people of color, and between all of us and the environment.

http://www.dsausa.org/about/where.html#dc
 
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