How to get a job (or not)

Yeah, I like it; which is a major reason I'm interested in making sure this non-compete won't screw me over.
Even if it does have the disclaimer that I can break it with prior written approval, never trust the company to be your friend.
 
Opinion piece on workforce participation

Covid’s Not to Blame For Labor Shortage
The shrinking workforce could impede the economy’s ability to grow, and make for a less prosperous future

“Your call is very important to us—please stay on the line.”

Some customer service agents have moved on to more lucrative pastures during the pandemic, but a lot of America’s “missing workers” might never be coming back. The shift could leave businesses continuing to struggle to find workers in the years ahead, and ultimately slow the pace at which the economy can grow without overheating. The Covid crisis roiled the U.S. job market like nothing before. First, in the early days of the pandemic, millions of people were suddenly without work, sending the unemployment rate from 3.5% in February 2020 to 14.7% two months later. Then, jobs came roaring back. Not all the workers did, though. A constellation of factors—fears of contracting and spreading Covid, lingering symptoms, the financial wherewithal provided by several rounds of government relief, lost access to child care and a shifting of priorities set off by the pandemic— conspired to keep people off the job.

Even now, and despite economists’ warnings that the country is on the brink of recession, America seems short of workers. At the end of November, the Labor Department recorded a seasonally adjusted 10.5 million job openings, or 1.7 unfilled jobs for each person counted as unemployed. The highest that ratio got in the 20 years of available data before the pandemic was 1.2. It certainly seems like there are plenty of people still waiting on the sidelines. For December, the Labor Department reported that the labor- force participation rate—the share of the noninstitutionalized population aged 16 and up that is either working or looking for work—was a seasonally adjusted 62.3%. That compared with 63.3% in February 2020. If the participation rate was back at that prepandemic level, with the unemployment rate remaining at December’s 3.5%, there would be over 2.5 million additional people counted as employed.

But University of Texas economist Ayşegül Şahin and Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago economist Bart Hobijn argue that such calculations ignore the fact that labor-force participation has been in a long downward trend since around 2000. They calculate that, considering the expected trend lower in participation, as of October the economy was just 810,000 jobs short of where it might have been absent the pandemic. Given the employment gains in the months since then, the figure would be smaller now.
One important factor behind the trend lower in participation, which will keep exerting downward pressure on participation in the years to come, is that more baby boomers are entering retirement age. With the median boomer turning 66 last year, they “are now in an age bracket where there is a huge drop in participation,” points out Dr. Şahin. Indeed, in December the participation rate among 66-year-olds (unadjusted for seasonal swings) was about 38%. Compare that with 64-year-olds, who, despite being just two years younger, had about a 46% participation rate.

There has also been a decline in participation among younger men with less education—a trend even before the pandemic struck. Washington University in St. Louis economists Dain Lee, Jinhyeok Park and Yongseok Shin calculate that the largest contributor to the overall drop in participation since the pre-pandemic period has been young men without a four-year college degree. Economists have been trying to figure out why for a while. One theory, which precedes the pandemic, was that videogaming was cutting into young men’s willingness to work. More recent research suggests that status might be a factor, with a widening wage gap between people with and without four-year college degrees leading some less-educated men to be less willing to join the workforce. Whatever the reason, their absence could pose a protracted problem because people who don’t work when they are young often don’t work as they become older. “That is a challenge not only for the individual, but society,” Washington University’s Dr. Shin says.

For the economy, fewer people coming into the workforce would mean that the job market wouldn’t be able to grow very quickly without driving the unemployment rate, which is already at an over 50-year low, even lower. That could in turn drive up wages and, ultimately, inflation. Absent more immigration, or an increase in worker productivity, the economy’s ability to grow could be limited, making for a less prosperous future. Still, demography isn’t always destiny when it comes to the labor market. Japan is the epitome of an aging country, with United Nations projections showing its median age hit 49 last year, versus 38 for the U.S. Yet its labor-force participation rate has been climbing over the past decade, and last year hit its highest level since 1999—the consequence of increasing female workplace participation.

Maybe something similar could happen in the U.S., where the female labor-force participation rate among women aged 25 to 54 (the so-called prime-age cohort) is now below Japan’s. University of Michigan economist Betsey Stevenson points out that in the U.S., participation among prime-age college-educated women was on an upswing prior to the pandemic. Perhaps that was the beginning of a new trend that could help improve overall participation in the years ahead. Meanwhile, the recent increase in wage growth for lower-paid workers relative to higher-paid ones might over time help draw more young men without college degrees into the workforce.

Of course we’ll only know if the economy keeps growing. If a recession comes this year, one of its most unwelcome effects could be sending even more workers into the ranks of the missing.— Justin Lahart
 
The One Personality Trait Crucial To Creating Effective Teams
Knowing who has status at work is a skill that predicts a team’s performance. Here’s how managers can tell who has it—and who doesn’t.
BY GAVIN KILDUFF AND TESSA WEST

MANAGERS have a fundamental problem when it comes to creating successful teams.
On the one hand, they know it’s important: Managers and employees spend more than 75% of their time engaged in collaborative activities, and strong teams are crucial to corporate performance and worker satisfaction. But getting teams right is, at best, difficult. Too often, team members clash—about responsibilities, who gets credit, work habits and more. A bad team can hurt corporate performance and drive employees away. Little wonder, then, that companies put a great deal of effort and money toward trying to assess the social skills that translate to team success. But while all sorts of leadership and personality tests are given to potential hires, most fail to predict how people behave at work.
Google’s Project Aristotle—the holy grail of team studies—collected hundreds of measures from hundreds of Googlers but found no magical individual trait that predicted team success. Personality, competence, emotional intelligence—none of these mattered.
So, is there any way to predict how well people will work in teams?

The secret ingredient
Our latest research, led by Siyu Yu at Rice University, sheds light on this question. Prior research has shown that groups in which members argue over who has more status—for instance, whose contributions are most important, and who has more influence over group decisions—suffer from reduced performance. To that end, we’ve identified a key individual skill that helps determine a team’s status dynamics, good and bad. We call this skill “status intelligence,” and it captures how accurately a person can read the status dynamics of a group—how much respect and influence each team member has. This requires accurately perceiving and understanding social interactions, such as who people listen to and look to for approval of their suggestions, who interrupts successfully, and whose ideas are quickly passed over versus elaborated on by the team.

To measure this skill—and determine its ability to predict a team’s success—we created a 10minute test that we can give to people before they join a team. To create the test, we brought groups together in our lab, tasked them with generating a proposal for a web-based company, and videotaped their interactions. They were not instructed how to behave, so behaviors like interruptions, holding the floor, tone of voice and physical dominance were all revealed naturally, as they would be in any team meeting. At the end of the interaction, team members rated how much each person had “respect and admiration from other team members,” and “influence over the team process.” Then, we created short clips of these 45-minute interactions that showcased group discussions. Then, to take our test, a new set of working adults watched nine of these short video clips, and made the same ratings that members of the real teams did.

That is, they had to guess how much status and influence each team member in each group had, based on the video clip, and we used those guesses to measure how accurate they were in perceiving the teams’ status hierarchies. So, rather than asking people to self-report how socially skilled they are (do we really think the guy with no social awareness knows how socially (un)aware he is?), our test measures people’s actual ability to perceive status in teams. Some people were good at it, others not so much, and their status intelligence predicted both their individual work performance, and the quality of their relationships with co-workers.

Furthermore, returning to the question of how we can predict team performance, we found in subsequent studies that status intelligence also predicts success in working with others. We measured participants’ status intelligence and then placed them on teams tasked with generating business plans, as well as more traditional decision-making tasks. Teams made up of people higher in status intelligence had substantially fewer costly and unpleasant status disagreements, which led to better group performance on both tasks.

Not EQ
Intuitively, this makes sense. Imagine joining a new company, or meeting with an important client team for the first time. Having high status intelligence enables you to perceive who is respected and influential, which in turn will help you know who to seek out for advice and mentorship, learn best practices from, and pitch your ideas to, as well as avoid unnecessary conflict with teammates. Importantly, this skill is not the same as emotional intelligence, which involves accurately reading emotions from facial expressions, managing one’s emotions and being empathic (and did not predict team performance). Status intelligence requires reading dynamic behaviors between people.

What determines who is “status intelligent” and who is not, and how these skills can be trained, are still open questions. Even so, just having identified this new and important social skill suggests some important steps managers can take to increase their own performance and the performance of their teams:

1. Don’t assume people can accurately read status (and that includes you). Instead, make status conversations explicit.
Our research has made clear that not everyone has the skill to accurately detect status—it’s revealed through subtle behaviors that can be tough to spot. Yet at work, we often assume that people’s status is transparent. Leaders can help bridge the gap in status intelligence by first measuring the status hierarchies of their teams. This would involve surveying employees to ask: “Who do you respect and admire in domain X?” and looking for repeat mentions of the same people. Then, some form of this information could be disseminated to new employees during onboarding, to assist them in making good decisions about who to learn and ask advice from, as well as to team members themselves, to help them avoid status conflict and achieve higher performance. Similarly, leaders could encourage new employees to ask their co-workers about who they respect most. Taking these steps would significantly mitigate the disadvantages faced by those who are not naturally high in status intelligence and thus less able to perceive status from observation alone.

2. Acknowledge that status differences exist in all work organizations, even “flat” ones.
Status can be considered a bad word these days, especially in the workplace. As a result, organizations sometimes try to get rid of status hierarchies altogether and replace them with a “flat” structure, assuming that no titles means no hierarchy.
That’s a recipe for poor teamwork. Teams determine their status hierarchies often within minutes of interacting, regardless of organizational structures, and trying to hide this—like pretending that someone with 20 years of experience has no more expertise or influence than a fresh college graduate—will just lower everyone’s status intelligence, reducing individual and team performance. Instead, we encourage teams, upon forming, to have an open conversation around where everyone’s relative expertise and strengths lie, and acknowledge that some individuals will consequently carry more influence over certain decisions. These conversations will increase everyone’s status accuracy and reduce status conflict. Managers of existing teams can also initiate such conversations to increase team performance.

3. Intervene when teams show signs of status conflict.
One immediate consequence of low status intelligence in teams is status conflict, or teams struggling to determine their members’ relative status rankings. Clear red flags include arguments over whose expertise is more relevant, whose contributions matter more and who should be making decisions. If a team is exhibiting these behaviors, it should stop working on its tasks, acknowledge the downsides inherent to status conflict, and initiate a conversation as described in step No. 2. The ability to read status hierarchies at work is a critical skill for individual and team success, and not all of us have it.

Can it be taught? Maybe. But at the least, managers can recognize its importance— and do their best to make sure team hierarchies accurately reflect the true statuses of team members.

Dr. Kilduff is an associate professor of management and organizations at New York University’s Leonard N. Stern School of Business. Dr. West is a professor of psychology at NYU and the author of “Jerks at Work: Toxic Coworkers and What to Do About Them.” Email them at reports@wsj.com.
JON KRAUSE
 
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