Update 2: Fanfare, or, Imperium, Interrupted
1901
In which a second great wave of unrest begins in Europe, only partially mitigated by new reforms, as wars sweep across both the newest and oldest of continents. The first sprinkling of blood falls upon the Old World, while matters in Asia grow more convoluted by the day. In the new world, a great clash of Kingdom, Republic and Shogunate spills blood on still virgin lands…
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Part the First: Arbitration by Force
Europe’s domestic troubles began anew when burning rags stuffed into bottles of cheap alcohol were thrown through a storefront window in Milan. The resulting dark cloud of smoke served as a beacon for strikers, who poured into the narrow streets of that once-Imperial city with the furor of a mob in heat. Prominent loyal industrialists were strung up from the lampposts, the police were met with gunfire and soon fled entirely, and banners of red and blue soon streamed from open windows, proclaiming a new revolutionary order.
These events would come to be known as the Po Risings.
Outside of Italy, telekinesis and post-horse soon carried the news to the European capitals, moving faster even than common word of mouth. This crisis, combined with several public outcries against child labor and industrial corruption in the first few months of 1901, legitimized the cause of reformist parties across the Continent, and sped the pace of social reform which the conservative-dominated governments of Central and Eastern Europe cautiously endorsed. Even the Council of Regents in France made some minor alterations in policy. By the end of 1901, however, natural backlash from the excesses of the Italian violence forged the general political consensus among European leadership that the status quo was infinitely preferable to any sort of social upheaval.
The banners of the ‘Arbitrated Republic’ soon covered municipal buildings all along the Po. Apparently foreign weapons from multiple sources had been acquired for or by the rebels, and several local garrisons had rioted, supporting the partisans and killing or imprisoning their officers. The Castiglioni government, roused out of its’ complacency of the past few years, declared martial law, sacking several prominent defense officials and sweeping out corrupt elements among the police force. Additionally, the Presidency took supreme legislative authority, disbanding the legislature until the end of the ‘emergency’, read: indefinitely. This would have unforeseen consequences.
These last-minute reforms slowed the expansion of the rebellion, but came far too late to stop it. What remained of Castiglioni’s government vastly boosted the powers of the military, and created a new military police with sweeping arrest powers, modeled on those of the French. Urban uprisings in Florence and Naples were put down, as the Presidium empowered counter-revolutionary militias to root out any signs of local Arbeitist support.
This situation would be complicated when Castiglioni himself was deposed by a cadre of elite military officials, eliminating the last vestiges of civilian rule in Rome and replacing it with a military dictatorship, with support from the ‘Sectioni Nuovo’ military police/gendarmerie, Castiglioni’s own creation. The Presidium lived on in name, but had effectively purged the remnants of the republican government, all the former civilian roles in the hands of military officers. The nation soon plunged into further chaos, as the militarists, unready to challenge the Arbeitists directly, crushed lingering loyalist republican regiments, and consolidating control over the provincial garrisons and police forces.
Confusing matters further, Castiglioni escaped military custody, fleeing to the south, where republican sentiment continued to run high. Both the Presidium and the remnants of the old Republic oppose the Arbitrated Republic, which appealed to the working class across Europe as it began a frantic military buildup. Pope Celestine VIII, an aging Fleming originally elected as a compromise candidate, has cautiously endorsed the Presidium, perhaps due to the lack of a stable alternative. Castiglioni’s cadre in Taranto is very much a rump state, holding out for foreign support as continued armed resistance to the Presidium is unlikely.
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The decision of Khan Tegus to legally rout Tverian business interests operating in his country was generally regarded as an intelligent move. It reduced the influence of the corrupt, Tverianized western bureaucracy, while increasing central authority, and most importantly, the prestige of the Khan.
It was a clever move. However, we often find that interactions between nations are much like interactions between men. When faced with clever men playing to their strengths, strong men will play to theirs. A man winning at cards, whether fairly or unfairly, will soon find himself punched in the face but a less skilled player, who nonetheless wins the stakes as the clever one reels from the room with a bloody nose.
Mikhail’s invasion of the Golden Horde was just such a punch.
In this case, the Tverian Imperator (or whatever you call him) had the perfect casus belli, trumped up in state-owned newspapers, of innocent Tverian burghers sent fleeing for their lives by the monopolizing tendencies of the Khan, preventing noble, utterly altruistic efforts to enlighten his people through the spread of free trade and industry. Almost all of it was bollocks, as said burghers were ‘incentivized’ to sell their businesses, but what good businessman doesn’t play both sides? Tverian industrialists signed on to the propaganda effort. Once the outrage percolated down through society, rumors of a Mongol ‘grain embargo’ to further cow Tver into accepting economic subservience made even the common people, more sensitive than any other to the price of bread, clamor for war.
So, ever so reluctantly and with great sadness, Mikhail ordered the soldiers of Tver into battle. For, according to the unanimous declaration of the Tverian Government, ‘grievous harassment and seizure of Tverian business interests in the Territories of the Khan,” Tegus was about to learn the price of questioning a vassal-master relationship that had existed for almost a century.
The Tverian strategy focused on securing the lower Volga and the industrialized region of the western Horde in a lightning assault. Unprepared by the speed and numbers the Ruthenians were bringing to bear, the Khanate’s goal was simply to survive…for the moment. Tribal militias of more dubious loyalty were fanned out to resist the northern flanks of the Tverian advance by harassment, while the more modernized, uniformed guards concentrated to protect the capital region.
The battles began as Tverian skirmishers routed a large, Slavo-Turkic provincial army (of questionable loyalties) at Saratov, while the Khan’s Guard blunted an initial rush of hussars to threaten Sarai itself. The southern flank of the Tverian advance met little resistance as it swept down the Volga, placing Astrakhan under siege, even as Tegus’s Kurultai began to council a full withdrawal to the Kazakh steppes. The Horde position was undermined in part by the defection of several regional governors, who had always been of questionable loyalty to the Khanate to begin with. The Khan’s modernization program had truly not advanced enough to allow the Horde’s forces to contest pitched battles with Tver.
The rush of Uighur reinforcements withdrawing from the conflict in China was a welcome respite for the Khan. But the Tverian advance was masterfully executed. Three Tverian armies closed pincer-like on the capital, one advancing northwest from Astrakhan after having stormed the city, a second descending attempting to sweep down the eastern bank of the Yaik, and a third frontal assault heading towards the capital itself. Tegus’ decision to evacuate his court and salvage most of his forces was the best possible decision given the circumstances.
The Tverian armies spent much of the rest of the campaigning season mopping up resistance between the Volga and the Yaik, and attempting to pacify the truly massive area they had conquered. Once the last remnants of partisan resistance had been eliminated, a secondary drive to the Aral Sea was attempted. This was harassed heavily by local tribesmen and irregular elements loyal to Tegus, and the offensive petered out when Tverian generals realized that the Khan was nowhere in sight.
Tegus himself had retreated to Central Asia, where he was forced to crush a series of internal challenges to his authority from among the various Turkic tribes. The staunch support of the Uighurs was essential in keeping the Khan from being replaced by the tribes furious with his defeat. For the moment, the remainder of the confederacy appears to be holding, but pockets of unrest still remain. Tverian commanders were content to watch the internal bickering of the Horde while integrating the western lands, flooding them with ethnically-Tverian colonists and reforming the corrupt governorates bayonet-style. Whether or not the Khanate recovers or disintegrates, Tverian generals remain confident that after such a severe thrashing, Tegus’ has little chance of threatening the kingdom’s gains.
Either way, the Golden Horde is in dire straits.
Groups of Sibir tribesmen besieged the northeastern Tverian outposts on their own initiative, but the garrisons are well supplied and expect relief in the spring.
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Sundry European governments were paralyzed by the twin crises in Italy and the Golden Horde. As both wars intensified, France remained chillingly quiet on the diplomatic front, waiting for the situation to evolve further, and see the reactions of its’ various neighbors. European powers are unsure whether France, the Imperials, or Egypt are behind the Italian rebellions, but seem to be split between revulsion against the Arbeitist revolutionaries, and revulsion against the militarist Presidium.
For the Holy Roman Empire, a curious diplomatic situation emerged. Initial threats were minor, as garrisons in the Italian Alpine areas mostly like to rebel were easily strengthened. However, despite the Reichstag’s new efforts for worker compensation and benefits, several of which were mitigated or lessened by conservative elements in the legislature, major protests and demonstrations continued to spread across the nation, in an odd form of solidarity for the Italian Arbeitists, who were increasingly broadcasting their message of social change. These illegal meetings were dispersed, naturally, but the domestic unrest gave pause to the Empire’s leaders.
A defensive pact had been agreed upon by the Golden Horde and Imperial representatives. However, with the threat of Arbeitist revolution just to their south, final approval of the treaty was delayed. Imperial leadership knew that signing of the pact would mean almost certain war with Tver, and if the Arbitrated Republic attempted to extend its’ influence into the Alps, the still-restive Czech provinces, or Germany itself, simultaneous with the French threat, could a war with Tver truly be countenanced? Either way, the decision of the Emperor is awaited on final approval or dismissal of the pact. Even if it is approved, the continued existence of the Horde as a coherent polity is very much in doubt.
In France, Galician and Leonese workers rose up in violent protest against the French administration of their provinces, and largely in sympathy with the Arbeitist revolutionaries. Several of the workers demonstrations were quite similar to those taking place in Italy the year before the Po Risings. Scattered attacks on police and government buildings occurred for about a month before the Oreilles de Dieu swept in and brutally eliminated the most vocal protesters. Even so, tensions in this region are hovering just below the surface.