I thought you were pro-intervention?
I am pro-humanity. The unfortunate reality is that sometimes war is necessary. Whenever it is not, we should pursue realistic alternate options as much as feasible and reasonable.
I thought you were pro-intervention?
I have read that book. There are better sources out there, though I have none to hand right now. The US did a really piss-poor job of making Iraq friendly, since it is abut half-an-inch away from becoming a full-fledged Iranian puppet-state now. The parallels between Syria and Iraq are many, but the analogy is nowhere near perfect. There wasn't a full-scale civil war in Iraq in 2003, for one thing (the Kurdish imbroglio was nowhere near the level of the current Syrian disaster).
Almost all modern powers conceive of themselves as the defending party, so Glassfan's logic only functions if we assume to begin with the legitimacy of one case over the other. It's incapable of acting as an independent basis for judgement, only as the summary of one party's justifying narrative.
No doubt. But, deciding by the time you delve deep enough to sketch out something approaching the truth of the matter, it's unlikely you'll be in any position to label one party "aggressor" and the other "defender". As Borrachio suggested, even as apparently straightforward an example as Hitler's invasion of Poland contains a depth of complexity which makes that sort of simplistic opposition impossible to maintain.All sides may claim to be aggrieved, but it doesn't follow that their claims are equally valid.
What does that even mean?I am pro-humanity.
I am pro-humanity.
Look out whales and pandas...What does that even mean?
As Borrachio suggested, even as apparently straightforward an example as Hitler's invasion of Poland contains a depth of complexity which makes that sort of simplistic opposition impossible to maintain.
We're supposed to accept that the Nazis genuinely believed themselves to be engaged in a pre-emptive war in defensive of Germany (indeed, of European civilisation). This may not have been a rational or empirically valid conviction, but it was authentically held. I'm not trying to defend that belief (you remember who you're talking to, right?), only to point out that to understand what happened, to understand why these people acted as they did, it has to be taken into account, which makes the simplistic opposition of "aggressor" and "defender" difficult to apply.We're supposed to accept that the charade put up by the Nazis actually muddied the water somehow? As always with matters of history, I'll await Dachs' take on it with interest, but I've seen nothing yet to paint Hitler & co. as anything but the villains of that particular piece.
Again, I didn't say anything about violence. My comments were in regards to war, which is not merely violence on a large scale, but a qualitatively specific kind of violence. There's an essential difference, in my view, between, say, Symon Petliura's pogroms, and Sholom Schwartzbard putting a few holes in him by way of response.Addressing your more general position, as Orwell said with regards to Gandhi: the world would be a better place if everyone shared an absolute rejection of violence and war - but only if everyone shared it. Applied to a world in which some people (including many who wish to see the US intervene in Syria) will stop at nothing to advance their own interests, it's just leaving an open door to the worst villains of all.
If you say so.By refusing to even consider any evidence suggesting one party is really the aggressor (because you've decided in advance that no evidence could be sufficient), or any evidence that things could be worse if the aggressor goes unopposed (because you've decided in advance that it's wrong to oppose them), your position is barely distinguishable from that of an apologist for such aggressors.
You don't have to accept the justifications for any given war, and in practice can oppose every real-world example. But by denying that it ever could be justifiable to go to war, even if the consequences of abstaining were demonstrably and massively worse than those of intervening, it seems to me that you've thrown out the consequentialist baby with the utilitarian bathwater, and have adopted a moral position concerned only with maintaining a sense of personal righteousness, other people be damned.
We're supposed to accept that the Nazis genuinely believed themselves to be engaged in a pre-emptive war in defensive of Germany (indeed, of European civilisation). This may not have been a rational or empirically valid conviction, but it was authentically held.
This displays a fairly poor understanding of Nazi ideology. They were vicious and brutal, yes, but they did genuinely believe they were acting in the best interests of both Germany and Europe. An attack on the Slavs was an act of self-defence on the part of Aryans. Glory had little, if anything, to do with Nazi motives.I think you're giving way too much credit to the Nazis. It was a war of aggression, as blatant as they come, carried out in the name of an ideology that demanded conquest, not so much for the benefit of the nation, as for the sheer glory of it.
We're supposed to accept that the Nazis genuinely believed themselves to be engaged in a pre-emptive war in defensive of Germany (indeed, of European civilisation). This may not have been a rational or empirically valid conviction, but it was authentically held. I'm not trying to defend that belief (you remember who you're talking to, right?), only to point out that to understand what happened, to understand why these people acted as they did, it has to be taken into account, which makes the simplistic opposition of "aggressor" and "defender" difficult to apply.
I agree. But, I think that all major European powers c.1939 were deeply mistaken in their self-conception. The Soviet Union was not the workers' fatherland, France was not the bastion of republican democracy, Britain was not a beacon of constitutional liberty. But, all possessed such self-conceptions, so all saw themselves as acting in an essentially defensive capacity even when their opponents saw them as acting aggressively.
In the end, while we can say that some parties acted more aggressively than others, I don't think we can say that any party were simply aggressors, or that any were simply defenders. The most we can say is that certain parties were on balance more aggressive than others.
You agree that the Nazis were wrong to perceive themselves as defenders of Germany and European civilisation though, right? Their perception was actually just plain wrong, was it not?
I agree. But, I think that all major European powers c.1939 were deeply mistaken in their self-conception. The Soviet Union was not the workers' fatherland, France was not the bastion of republican democracy, Britain was not a beacon of constitutional liberty. But, all possessed such self-conceptions, so all saw themselves as acting in an essentially defensive capacity even when their opponents saw them as acting aggressively.
In the end, while we can say that some parties acted more aggressively than others, I don't think we can say that any party were simply aggressors, or that any were simply defenders. The most we can say is that certain parties were on balance more aggressive than others.
Yeah exactly.No, the most we can say is that Germany were the aggressors unambiguously, and they were simply wrong to think otherwise. The fact that human perceptions belie the ethical truths that allow us to obtain a moral judgement has little to do with the moral judgement itself.