OOC: I feel I ought to write this to shed some more light on Septembrism and liberalism in our world, especially seeing as I neglected this sort of thing a bit when I was playing the Confederation. I hope it interests you. If not, bury it under the carpet; it is, after all, written by an aged diplomat of an age gone by, I suppose. Most importantly, though, I think you ought to keep it in mind as a kind of notion of the world of the ideas with which most people in the ex-Confederation will have been surrounded as they were brought up, and I hope it will give some sort of better understanding of the culture of the Confederate area.
A manifesto for the Septembrist Party of the Confederation, 1912, Summary
Penned by the Comte de Crolles, Emissary of the Confederation to the LCN, Vice-Chairman Emeritus of the Septembrist Party of Dauphiné
Reprinted by the Press of the Sorbonne for historical purposes
Prefatory remarks to the reprint, by the author, the Comte de Crolles, now Chair Emeritus in Latin at the Sorbonne
It seems to us today and to many of our colleagues, past and present, that the ideas that we thought so good in 1912, while very specific to the problems the Confederation had at the time of writing, namely rampant discontent among certain groups, a lost war, and inability to extract ourselves from a losing fight to the death with the German Federation, are still ideals that while often forgotten today are ever more necessary just because of that. There are, perhaps, four main strands of political thought in the world, the Russian Absolutism that we destroyed long ago in our rather restrained and unique French Enlightenment, the German Drexlerism that stands high as a paradigm of exaggerated nationalism dominating every other concern and trumping the rights of man, the Moralism that seems to be everywhere today, and Proletarism. The excesses of each of these are nearly as obvious in each case. In Absolutism we have genocide; from Drexlerism came our own destruction, and what conscientious man could vote for an ideology that destroyed our wealth and unity? In Proletarism we have ingrained violence, rule by force, revolutionary action, and the suppression of all forms of individual liberty. Surely no-one in his right mind could support such opinions.
To-day, perhaps, though, Moralism is on the rise above all. It seems to dominate the academic and political discourse at times. This is, in the present author's view because half of what they say is obvious, and half of what they say is unfounded nonsense, as, I think, most of my colleagues at the Sorbonne tend to agree irrespective of religious opinions. I myself am the rarity of a Catholic noble from Dauphiné, but long experience has taught me the insanity of much of what seems to be coming from the Curia in the present day. Perhaps the most salutary purpose of reprinting this is in view of the new tendency towards Moralism, and as such I compare some of the ideas held in the past by Septembrists with the encyclical Doctrina Moralitas in Vita Politica issued by Pope Paul VI, which has been taken by many recently as the most accepted summary of Moralism available.
I would like to address briefly the confused and inadequate idea expressed occasionally by ill-informed people that no Catholic can disagree with the Pope's opinions on political matters. This is not the idea of papal infallibility, which only applies in any case to certain statements which are designated prior to the making of the statement as infallible, and in any case is completely absurd. If the Pope says that the sky is green, the sky is still just as blue-grey as it ever was, and it is and has been the case for the last century and a half in the area covered by the Confederation, at very least, that there have been clergymen with very much more liberal opinions than the Pope.
In this encyclical (a summary of which can be found in Appendix A of this booklet) the first few articles state ideas that any Catholic must surely wholly endorse. No Catholic seriously doubts that "the Church is the pillar and foundation of truth" and that man is fallen and that truth is objective - which seem to us attacks aimed not at moderate liberals to-day who believe in the just rights of man, but at an artificial concept of what was believed by some of the most extreme liberals and proletarists of the 19th century. So obvious are the first two articles as to barely deserve the saying.
So, then we have that government should be at the lowest possible level. This is also uncontroversial: of course, this is a principle that Proletarists violate egregiously, but is one that liberals have always, in actual historical terms, endorsed, especially in the Confederation, where all domestic policy was in the hands of the member-states' governments.
Then we have the notion that the State should not interfere with the Church and usurp its place. What have liberals across the world done to disrupt families? and the Church is protected, in a liberal state, by the very rights it would subdue, such as universal freedom of religion. The Church can educate and distribute charity and healthcare, and the rights of man in a liberal state safeguard its prerogative to do so. Perhaps not in to-day's Scandinavia; but scarcely anywhere does the state attempt to impede the Church's benevolent actions.
Then we have the notion that the State should not interfere in religious matters and the Church should not, generally speaking, interfere in political matters. Are we to disagree? Of course not. This is just as obvious as the rest, and, of course, the Church is welcome to say what it likes about political matters, safeguarded by the freedom of religion that we would have to-day exactly nowhere if it were not for the efforts of liberals across the world; and a liberal State - unlike, forsooth, a Moralist state! - has nothing to say about religious matters at all, seeing as it accords total freedom to all to exercise their religion how they will.
As for "The Economy, the Worker, and the Welfare of the Unfortunate", adequate pay for workers is what has been among the good things brought about in liberal states, and completely neglected in places such as Russia where liberalism has been wholeheartedly neglected. Equality of the Law, of the type that Liberals support and always have supported, protects exactly the state of affairs that the Pope himself advocates, and this very equality entails that, as the Pope notes should be the case, there is no internal strife - in a liberal state there is not only the greatest possible concord between classes, but also between separate national groups (as we saw in the fact that hardly a single life was shed without foreign involvement through nationalistic strife in the Confederation) and between religious groups (as again can be seen from the fact that not a single religious issue has sprung up in the liberal Confederation, or indeed in Germany, whereas wherever Moralism intrudes itself they cause religious strife galore).
Then we have "morality in civil life". Most of these things that the Pope proscribes, everyone would agree with him in proscribing, because they do harm to others; again we have an uncontroversial statement of universal truth in that theft, murder, pederasty, and such things are completely wrong.
Then finally we have this rejection of teleology. There is no earthly paradise; who believes that there is? No-one is perfect or perfectible; whoever believes or ever has believed that anyone is? What we can do, however, is avoid the retrograde directions the Pope talks about and embrace the beneficial ones, and we do this not by suppression but by providing each man with the liberty to do as he desires, as long as he hurts no-one else in the process.
The Pope's words are words that say at once that he rejects liberalism, and at the same time espouse all the principles that have been held and were brought in by liberals at least a century ago. Few can find anything to disagree with the Pope on because his words are about as original as the concept of eating bread; and as the Pope reinvents the wheel, those who follow him use his influence to impose censorship, to suppress the practitioners of other religions and their free speech.
I myself, as I write this, and, I think, joined by many friends and colleagues of high standing, call on the Pope to see that the principles he is advocating can only be achieved by freedom and liberty; and as he speaks words hostile to the ideology of liberalism, may he see with his blessed eyes that by calling down imprecations on the ideology that spawned liberties, he destroys the liberties themselves, and risks giving states cover under which they may oppress their people and strip them of freedoms, creating just the sort of large state he deplores, and undermining his "principle of subsidiarity".
Paris, April 1931
INTRODUCTION TO THE MANIFESTO:
1. The Septembrist Party welcomes all who are committed to the preservation of the Confederation in peace and good order.
2. The Septembrist Party welcomes liberals, including those inclined to support progressive measures such as nationalisation of heathcare and pensions as we have seen recently in neighbouring nations, and also welcomes moderates and conservatives.
3. The Septembrist Party intends to maintain internal harmony by shunning the use of force to avoid problems; by having full equality under the law for all citizens; by avoiding change for the sake of change. The Party will continue to disband the remnants of the former secret police force. The Party holds that armed force should never be used against those not employing armed force against the Confederation.
4. The Septembrist Party, in line with all parties in the Confederation, wholly rejects the notion of nationalism and urges that all who pursue it are mistaken; the Septembrist Party moreover considers nationalism to be the very greatest evil and causer of destruction that the world has seen, bringing untold misery to Germans, Italians, Russians, Poles, Pomeranians and almost every other nation in existence. The Party holds that people should work for a state where they live in peaceful harmony and mutual tolerance alongside whatsoever people otherwise live in that state, according each other equal rights, and working for the benefit not of the people of their so-called 'nation', but of all the people inside the state in which they reside.
5. The Septembrist Party believes that those who would separate parts of the Confederation are positively and downright wrong, and therefore must not have their ideas taken account of, and are acting against their all of our interests in suggesting irredentist ideas. Strength and freedom from nationalistic struggles lie only in the disavowal of nationalism and our collective unity.
5. The Septembrist Party embraces Catholic and Protestant members alike, and does not prefer either faith to the other. Christianity has an impact on our decisions through the collective exercise of morality by the members of the Party; it is granted no further disproportionate influence beyond that, and in this regard our policy could rightly be called secular.
6. The Septembrist Party continues the policies pursued in previous years by the Party of Order regarding the military, in that it is necessary to maintain a large military for the preservation of the Confederation's integrity against those who would subvert it.
7. The Septembrist Party advocates electoral reform to make those parts of the government that are representative more representative of the actual proportions of voters; the Party believes that all voters should have an equal vote; the Party believes that the members of the parliaments nominated by the Kings are too great in number and intends to reduce their number.
8. The Septembrist Party believes that certain rights must be preserved unalienably for the people of the Confederation, particularly freedom of speech, freedom of religion and thought, freedom of the press, and equality under the law and in the eye of the authorities for all men.