What is meant by "Ottomanism" versus 'Turkish nationalism'? Was the former simply Turkish expansionist imperialism, or was there an element of uniting the umma (sp?) under the Caliphate?
Not expansionistic
per se, but revivalistic. Yeah, Islam was pretty central to it, but in general Ottomanism was kind of just a unifying imperial ideology - rather like the attempts to foster "black-yellow" nationalism in the Habsburg Empire. In addition to the Turks and Kurds that Turkish nationalism focused on, Ottomanism tried to accommodate the various Arabs, Iraqis, and Syrians as well. Pan-Islam both worked for and against this.
bras0778 said:
I recently read a bit on Gallipoli and was impressed by the efficiency of the Ottomans. I hadn't appreciated that they had modernized their army like that. Yet they lost bits of the Balkans only shortly before....?
In 1914, the Ottoman army was, in the words of Strachan, "a bewildering blend of the new and the unreformed".
For instance, Abdulhamid II had tried to keep the army relatively weak, so it could not threaten his rule, but its inability even to fulfill the role of internal policing had led to the 1908 revolution, when the Third Army marched on the capital and deposed the sultan. By and large, the army subscribed to Ottomanism, in large part because a great deal of its officer corps came from Rumeli. When Sevket, one of the major figures in the revolution, tried to reform the army, it was therefore supposed to be on the lines of Ottomanization.
Ottomanization ran into some pretty serious problems, though. For instance, until 1914 (when the 1912 army law was finally passed), the army could not recruit from the inhabitants of Constantinople, from Arabs, from Kurds, or from nomads, and even after the army law was promulgated the lack of population registers made evasion of conscription a simple matter, and non-Muslims remained exempt. Regional corps were established under Sevket's administration to try to make mobilization easier, but the result was to prevent the assembly of the army into mixed groups - again weakening Ottomanization. But it's not clear that those mixed groups would have helped, because only 40% of the army spoke Turkish, and few of those could write it, while spelling remained unstandardized (one of Kemal's greatest achievements under the Republic). Enver tried to remedy the linguistic difficulties by introducing a common form of Arabic, similar to the Habsburg army's "army language", but by 1915 he had to give it up under the pressures of war. Furthermore, army equipment was poor.
It was not all doom and gloom, though. Enver, when he came to power in 1913-4, seized the war ministry as his personal fiefdom, and established a "Special Organization" (the
Teskilat-i Mahsusa) to ensure personal loyalty. But at the same time, Enver avoided turning the army into a collection of yes-men, and kept many officers of proven ability. Enver was a brilliant organizer, if not a great campaigner; he did not live up to his reputation of "Napoleonlik", but he was far from a dilettante. Francis Cunliffe-Owen, the British attache, said in early 1914 that Enver's war ministry was "as up to date...as the
Kriegsministerium [the German war ministry]".
Several observers have given the German mission of Liman von Sanders, the subject of a serious Russo-German diplomatic crisis in 1913, the role in modernizing the Ottoman army in the wake of the defeats in the Balkan Wars. But Liman's responsibilities were limited, and he clashed repeatedly with Enver. German officers before the war chafed at their lack of responsibilities, and they only gained a place in the war planning office during the spring and summer of 1914. Only with the outbreak of war did Liman, Kress von Kressenstein, Colmar von der Goltz, and others gain the kind of prominence for which they are best known, taking field commands, sometimes - see Goltz at Kut-al-Amara, for instance - to great effect.
Anyway. The Ottoman military's uneven performance is perhaps best put down to the incompleteness of the Sevket/Enver reforms. By 1912, they were barely implemented; by 1914, they were only half implemented. The result was an army that could generally perform very well defensively, but which was not suited to offensive operations.