They weren't using the 2016 manifesto in 2013/2014 when "once in a lifetime" kept being dragged out, presumably to make Scots afraid of missing out on a chance at independence.
That would seem to fall somewhat short of a binding commitment. Rhetoric now exposed as hyperbole, yes, but an over-stated description of the perceived uniqueness of the opportunity, rather than something a reasonable person would interpret as a commitment not to hold a second referendum until every Scot born before 1999 was in the ground.
Theresa May has not said that the Scots can not have a referendum merely that they cannot have another official one right now.
That isn't actually May's right to decide, legally speaking. It's between our two parliaments. Just because May has started talking like a dictator doesn't mean she is one
Of course it doesn't. The SNP has an approximately social-democratoid manifesto with slices of Green Party policy excerpts sandwiched here and there between the pages but that's all been hidden behind a few coats of independentist rhetoric. After any independence the party would need to reinvent itself into a party that has side-aims secondary to devolution/independence and develop those into a set of parties.
That's true, but I think the SNP has been doing that, or at least laying the groundwork for it. They've played, at various times and in various contexts, liberals, socialists and agrarians, cultural nationalists and cosmopolitan multiculturalists, sowing goodwill in every democratic that doesn't wear an Orange sash. This gives them a lot of room to manouvre in an independence Scotland: if the Conservatives establish themselves as the Party of Opposition, the SNP lurch left, devour what's left of the Labour vote, and become solid Nordic social democrats; if Labour reconciles with independence and recovers, the SNP lurch right, drive the Tories into their Orange redoubt, and become solid Central European liberals; if both Labour and the Tories stabilise themselves, the SNP establishes itself as the moderate voice of the whole nation.
I think the first and third options are the most likely: Scottish Labour have thoroughly the goodwill that they spent a century accumulating, while the Scottish Conservatives have been quite carefully distanced themselves from the Orange tendency and re-positioned themselves as the party of "pro-business" Anglophiles. I don't think that Labour are so far-gone that the SNP will become the sole party of the left, there's too much residual loyalty, but they're relying on an increasingly geriatric voter-base, as middle aged and young voters who don't remember the post-war glory days shift to the SNP and Greens.
So the whole aim of the party as expressed by their official name has been achieved.
In what sense? "National Party" describes a party that purports to represent "the nation". The existence of a Scottish nation isn't contingent on achieving independence, and, nationalists would argue, does lose a need for represention on achieving it.
btw what political stances did Ireland have before independence, other than for/against home rule, independence and so on? Scotland already has established parties (not that the Conservatives or the shambling remains of Labour will have much clout if they keep like this) besides the SNP.
Well, it's complicated; self-government was a deeper organising force in pre-war Irish politics than it is in Scotland, or at least was until very recently, as it remains in Northern Ireland. Post-independence, the Treaty split politics in even more confusing ways, and you add into that the influence of political Catholicism in Ireland, never formally institutionalised as in Germany but all the more a wildcard for it; analogies to twenty-first Scotland are not easy.
But, it still stands as proof, independence is not the death-knell of nationalist parties. As in Ireland, nationalism may simply become the new common sense, and existing parties shift themselves around it. The simplest description of the Irish case- an over-simplification, but a useful one- is that all previous parties except Labour were absorbed by the splintering factions of Sinn Féin, Irish independence from Britain became the precondition of political activity in the Free State, and the debate was over what that meant in practice.
In 1910, many were Home Rulers but few were Nationalists; by 1940 most were Nationalists but few were Republicans; by 1970, most were Republicans but few were United Irelanders, and now we find that (the once-Provisional) Sinn Féin are the third largest party in the Dáil and the Taoiseach is talking about reunification, so who knows what tomorrow's commons sense will be?