So, what's wrong with Libertarianism?

The problem may be that collective bargaining will only shift the problem by causing inflation on the whole economy and lower (real) wages on groups that don't practice it. That is a real problem. It may be in their interest, but not in the general interest if practiced all across the board. If collective bargaining is to be accepted anyway, it should only be an option for low-wage jobs. It's only beneficial if nominal wages rise faster than the inflation it causes. Because that cannot be guaranteed, I'm quite skeptical about the whole process.

I'm not a Libertarian and as such I don't have any ideological qualms about it. The only problem is that being skeptical somehow earns me this label, which is quite annoying.



There is no reason in economics to assume collective bargaining will cause inflation. Productivity is a variable, and the employer controls it.
 
Moreover, mobility of labor was hardly unheard of in the 19th century.

Well, I guess it depends on the country you're thinking of. A 19th century factory worker in Europe was typically not mobile at all, not due just to language barriers (who spoke English or German in 19th century Netherlands?) but also because they couldn't afford a ticket and even if they did they wouldn't have spare time to buy one (people worked 6 days a week, 12 hours a day).
 
Well, I guess it depends on the country you're thinking of. A 19th century factory worker in Europe was typically not mobile at all, not due just to language barriers (who spoke English or German in 19th century Netherlands?) but also because they couldn't afford a ticket and even if they did they wouldn't have spare time to buy one (people worked 6 days a week, 12 hours a day).

Actually, the mobility of labor was such a huge problem, that nations who were on the receiving end of it constructed huge dedicated facilities and strict immigration/emmigration laws to deal with it.
 
Actually, the mobility of labor was such a huge problem, that nations who were on the receiving end of it constructed huge dedicated facilities and strict immigration/emmigration laws to deal with it.

Again, it depends if you're talking about the US or Europe. And yes, people did emigrate, but that's a whole different thing than to simply switch jobs because company A is paying 10% more than company B. And langauge was not an issue for those who emigrated (it's a big investment to learn a new language, but emigrating is a big deal anyway) but it's not like people would simply work in another country (or town for that matter) for a while. Except of course in the US, where there was a whole diferent playing field.
 
Again, it depends if you're talking about the US or Europe. And yes, people did emigrate, but that's a whole different thing than to simply switch jobs because company A is paying 10% more than company B. And langauge was not an issue for those who emigrated (it's a big investment to learn a new language, but emigrating is a big deal anyway) but it's not like people would simply work in another country (or town for that matter) for a while. Except of course in the US, where there was a whole diferent playing field.

Except that they did just that.
 
In Australia they sure as hell were.
 
If you want to discuss Europe, if there was no labor mobility how the hell did Belfast, Glasgow and London become such ethnically segregated cities?
 
Collective bargaining was 'invented' in an era when employers had all the bargaining power. There was few employers, and employees had nowhere to go (think of Homer Simpson's Springfield, where the only place you can work is the power plant).

That made collective bargaining (again, in that era; late 19th century) an effective tool to create a fair playing field. Nowadays, employees can change jobs and even move to other cities. So from a effeciency standpoint, collective bargaining doesn't have any raison d'etre. Plus, it's highly unjust towards outsiders who can't find jobs because insiders (trade union members) force employers to hire suboptimal amounts of employees.


Employers have much more relative power now, because there's less labor mobility, and there are fewer options for the labor to go elsewhere. In the 19th century, one could at least try to go off and try farming.
 
That's an interesting point. To what extent has increased specialisation of labour reduced labour mobility? We know that home ownership has crippled labour mobility in the US over the most recent recession. I'm looking at Cutlass, Hygro, and if he's still around Integral. You guys usually know this sort of thing...

I think people just assume that nobody 100 years ago, much less 500 years ago, moved from town to town looking for work, and that everyone just stayed in the same little town or village until they died. But that isn't true. There's plenty of evidence that even going back to the middle ages, Roman Britain, etc, labour was really rather mobile. I don't think it's a foregone conclusion that labour mobility just naturally increased over the past 100 years or whatever due to better transport or some other techy response. I think there are a lot of things that work in the opposite direction, labour specialisation and home ownership being my first thoughts, but also more restrictive immigration policies and decrease in the availability of land/housing due to the ever-rising population.

I'm not saying that labour mobility has fallen -- I just don't know. But I think that there are good reasons to believe that it has, and really only one, rather flimsy reason to believe that it hasn't.
 
Well, you go back before the 20th century, even before the middle of the 20th century, and what you see most places is more or less what you see if you look at Mexico and Central America now. And that is that people who are doing fine where they are stay put, generation after generation. But those who are not, they walk. Usually literally walk. it isn't about being able to afford passage on a train or ship, though that was a limit for crossing oceans. When oceans were in the way, many people signed up as bonded or indentured workers to pay for their passage. But steerage passage wasn't very expensive to begin with, and sometimes people would scrape together anything they could, often with family and friends pitching in, to pay for the transport.

This is also why many places had indenture, serfdom and peasantry who did not have a right of departure. There were legal obstacles to labor moving, otherwise labor would literally just walk away from bad work.

Now, the majority of jobs in this era required minimal skills going in. You learned by doing. The apprenticeship system of skilled craftsmen was breaking down, the system of trade school certificates not yet started, college education was a distinct minority, and for most jobs it was more of a matter of proving what you could do rather than credentialing.

Employers trained, to the extent that they needed trained people. There was no other source of training.

Contrast to today: Employers no longer train, or very little of it. People have to provide their own. But, having gotten yourself trained, that's a sunk cost, and a very high one. If people now can't find work in the field they trained in, well they are screwed, because they probably borrowed the money for it. So it's work in that field, or at unskilled work. Having failed to pay off one student loan with work, will they do it again?

So the barriers to labor mobility now, housing, if you've bought, you may not be able to move. If you rent, you may not be able to afford the rent in a place with a better economy. Transport, unless you're going to walk, it's expensive now.Credentialing and experience, employers won't hire you unless you're already a perfect fit for the job.

The costs of preparing to work have been shifted from the employer to the worker. That's another source of the problem. There are restrictions on just being able to squat in a new location. Now you can make the point that the people in developed nations are kind of spoiled, and we are unwilling to live as the refugees from the 3rd world live, and that's true. But by the same token why should we, or even they, have to in a world that has the ability not to?

Even welfare reduced labor mobility, because someone who looses their job one place and is thrown onto welfare is not eligible for it in a different state, so they are stuck.

In short, employers haven't had a better power relationship in the developed world, the US in particular, in at least a century.
 
Sorta relevant.


With So Many Job Openings, Why So Little Hiring?
By Peter Orszag 2013-08-13T15:03:55Z

An odd puzzle is taking shape in the labor market: Over the past three years, the number of job openings has risen almost 50 percent, but actual hiring has gone up by less than 5 percent. Companies are advertising a lot more jobs, in other words, but not filling them.

To get some sense of how significant this is, consider that if, since June 2010, hiring had risen a third as much as advertised jobs have (rather than only a 10th), and nothing else were different, job creation would be roughly 500,000 higher each month, and the unemployment rate would already be back to normal levels.

So what explains the yawning gap between jobs open and jobs filled?

One possibility is that there is a mismatch between the work that companies need done and the skills that workers have. As Peter Newland of Barclays Plc has said, “We believe that this divergence between openings and hiring is consistent with our view that some of the loss of employment during the recession was structural, rather than purely cyclical, in nature.”

Such a structural mismatch may well explain part of the gap, yet it seems unlikely that it explains most of it. After all, job openings in the retail trade have doubled over the past three years, while hiring has been flat. Is it plausible that we lack qualified workers for these jobs?
Wage Calculations

A second explanation is that employers are offering jobs at wages that are too low to attract good applicants. Alan Krueger, a labor economist at Princeton University who recently stepped down as chairman of President Barack Obama’s Council of Economic Advisers, believes this to be an important piece of the puzzle. He argues that the unemployment rate for those just recently out of work has now returned to roughly pre-crisis levels, and that people who have been out of the labor force for an extended period are exerting little downward pressure on wage rates. This combination means that, although the long-term unemployed still face a tough road ahead because they are essentially on the margins of the labor market, pressure is growing for higher wages for everyone else.

Under this view, companies have simply not yet adjusted their wage offers. Some support for this perspective comes from experimental data in the jobs survey, which show that the job-offer rate has risen most sharply (relative to hiring) for establishments with 10 to 250 workers. Such small businesses may have more trouble than larger ones in assessing the broader labor market.

The third possible explanation is that the gap between job advertising and new hires reflects the growing use of companies’ “internal” labor markets. A variety of other indicators -- including fewer people moving to take new jobs -- suggests that companies are often filling openings from within. Many nonetheless advertise such positions externally, which would boost the job-offer rate in the data. The survey counts only jobs filled from outside a company in its statistics on hiring, so the increase in job-offer rates for this reason would not correspond to an increase in hiring rates.

This possibility doesn’t explain why the gap is wider for smaller businesses, because larger companies have more robust internal labor markets. But it is consistent with anecdotal evidence that external applicants are facing more onerous interview processes and that companies are hiring outside job candidates only slowly and cautiously.
Recruiting Intensity

A related interpretation, favored by Steven Davis of the University of Chicago, Jason Faberman of the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago and John Haltiwanger of the University of Maryland, is that companies have reduced their “recruiting intensity.” They advertise jobs but don’t have much interest in filling them.

These possible explanations for the openings-hiring gap have substantially different implications. The mismatch theory, which seems the least plausible of the three, is the most depressing, because it implies we’re in for more painful adjustment and sluggish job growth. The Krueger theory suggests that as companies adjust their wage offers to an improving labor market, the gap will narrow. And the notion that internal hiring and recruiting intensity explain things implies that the gap itself is a bit of a mirage.

Regardless of the true explanation, it’s still good news that more jobs are being advertised. That wouldn’t be happening if the economic outlook were entirely bleak.

(Peter Orszag is vice chairman of corporate and investment banking and chairman of the financial strategy and solutions group at Citigroup Inc. and a former director of the Office of Management and Budget in the Obama administration.)

To contact the writer of this article: Peter Orszag at orszagbloomberg@gmail.com.

http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-08-13/with-so-many-job-openings-why-so-little-hiring-.html
 
I'm not saying that labour mobility has fallen -- I just don't know. But I think that there are good reasons to believe that it has, and really only one, rather flimsy reason to believe that it hasn't.


Maybe this is a difference between the US and Europe, or else you have to be totally kidding. 100 years ago people in Europe were working 12 hours per day, 6 days a week in factories being shouted at all day (kinda similar to some parts of China nowadays). Don't you think if these people had the opportunity to simply walk away and find a better job elsewhere they wouldn't have done it?
 
Turnover was a pretty major problem at this period in industrial history, actually, yeah. It depended on the state of the economy, obviously, people in slumps didn't tend to throw away jobs too lightly, but when jobs were going and employees were contracted on what amounted to an hour-to-hour basis, it was pretty common for them to switch jobs if the opportunity presented itself.

Famous example here is Henry Ford's "$5 a day", which despite later mythologising wasn't some sort of private-secotr Keynesianism, but a response to the fact that workers hated the assembly line so much the firm was operating at almost 200% turnover. That wouldn't have been a problem if workers were incapable of switching employers.
 
Maybe this is a difference between the US and Europe, or else you have to be totally kidding. 100 years ago people in Europe were working 12 hours per day, 6 days a week in factories being shouted at all day (kinda similar to some parts of China nowadays). Don't you think if these people had the opportunity to simply walk away and find a better job elsewhere they wouldn't have done it?
I'm from the UK so I don't know which side of the US / Europe divide you think I'm on :p

Anyway, that's just not logical at all. It's entirely plausible that labour mobility has decreased even as working conditions increased over the past 100 years. The fact that working conditions were universally crap in 1850 doesn't mean that labour mobility must have also been crap. It's like if I go to one restaurant, and it's crap, I can still get up and leave and go to another one -- even if that other restaurant is also crap. I still have "restaurant mobility", even if all the restaurants I can choose from fail to provide me with adequate food. The ability to move from one restaurant to another, and the quality of food at each restaurant, are two entirely separate things. That's why we have two different phrases to describe labour mobility and working conditions. Otherwise, we would just use the same word for both.
 
It's also worth noting, this is a period in which seasonal migration was still pretty common, with a lot of young men spending planting and harvest seasons in their home villages, and the winters and summers working in towns. Often they would return to particular employers, but there was neither an obligation to return nor a guarantee of renewed employment, so almost all of them would find work with numerous firms during their time as seasonal migrants. This appears to have been particularly true in which agriculture was what you might call "half-modern", that it was specialised production for market rather than peasant self-sustenance, but in which it was not effectively mechanised.
 
I'm from the UK so I don't know which side of the US / Europe divide you think I'm on :p

Anyway, that's just not logical at all. It's entirely plausible that labour mobility has decreased even as working conditions increased over the past 100 years. The fact that working conditions were universally crap in 1850 doesn't mean that labour mobility must have also been crap. It's like if I go to one restaurant, and it's crap, I can still get up and leave and go to another one -- even if that other restaurant is also crap. I still have "restaurant mobility", even if all the restaurants I can choose from fail to provide me with adequate food. The ability to move from one restaurant to another, and the quality of food at each restaurant, are two entirely separate things. That's why we have two different phrases to describe labour mobility and working conditions. Otherwise, we would just use the same word for both.

Granted. I shouldn't have called it labour mobility but simply "options". If I may use your restaurant analogy: suppose there's just 2 restaurants in town, the owns have little incentive to make either of them better if there's abundant demand for dinners. In circumstances like these, it makes sense to create a consumer organization specifically for maintaining food standards. If there's lots of restaurants who conpete, there's less need for such an organization (althought you might still want to have one). My original point was; in the 19th century, workers had little choice so it made sense to put trade unions in place, nowadays trade unions are more or less obsolete.
 
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