That assumes that there is any reasonable "you" that could usurp power, which Anarchists and Left-Communists contest by demanding that socialism be attained collectively by the entire proletariat. You may dismiss the possibility of non-Vanguardist revolution, but that doesn't mean you can assume that all radicals necessarily pursue it.
There is a difference between "not all radicals pursue centralisation" and "no radicals pursue centralisation". For your system to work, it must not fail because of the radicals who do pursue it. Otherwise, you cannot "extend [it] to all humans", and you are confined to small scale collectives where you can gather like minded people together. Which is not a bad thing per se, but I suspect you'll not be satisfied with that.
Not that I'm gonna diss Lenin. He was pretty legit, there was just a lot of problems he had to deal with. I think the USSR would have had a lot of potential under him.
This is what I mean. Some people, like civver or Cheezy, are going to vote for the strong dictator because "there was just a lot of problems ... to deal with." Would your system survive this?
Left-Anarchists argue that the proletariat is capable of voluntary cooperation and collective self-management, without the need for imposed authority or centralised government. While individual freedom is considered paramount, it is not an Egoist conception of freedom, and so disallows selfish or harmful action, and acknowledges both negative and positive liberties as vital and co-dependent. As such, all actions undertaken would be in reference to the broader context, both on and individual and collective level, so that no one individual or collective of individuals over-stepped their boundaries. Coordination would be possible beyond an immediate level, through a system of bottom-up delegation, and would, ideally, extend to all humans.
Of course, there's different ideas about how this would be achieved, what form it should take, how it will be maintained, etc., but suffice to say it's more complex than "smash the state, and we'll all be fine"- indeed, it is perhaps the most openly labour-intensive form of society yet proposed, demanding the involvement of the entire capable population.
The bolded part is the crux of matter. By "disallowing", do you mean that you have a system to forbid people from being selfish, by for example punishing them? Or do you mean that when everyone adopts your ideology, nobody would even think about being selfish? Or is it that your theory does not consider the question at all?
"Bottom-up delegation" is hardly more complex than "smash the state, and we'll all be fine". What if people at the bottom disagree with each other? Suppose half the population are lazy and do not want to work, how do you "demand" them to participate? What does your "coordination" involve when some people don't listen to you?
Whatever I'm doing, at least I'm not claiming to know what's in the head of a dead man.
Sure I read Marx. How do you think I can answer you at all? Marx did not have uniform views on everything throughout his life, and this is apparently something you have always failed to grasp.
As for theory being proven through prediction, maybe you don't really have a correct understanding of theory? I can see why that would be an important criterion in science. But I can't see why you want to throw out any theory that is not able to predict the future nor indeed attempts to do so. Seems like a dumb thing to do considering not everything we do is about predicting the future.
Also, if Marxism was dogmatic, why is there more than just orthodox Marxism? And if dialectics can be twisted to form any conclusion, how can it result in something strictly dogmatic? You can't have it both ways.
Anyway, update your arguments. You've been saying the same things over and over for a long time and not once have you actually addressed refutations of those. Just because you insist that something is bad doesn't make it so.
PS: You should read The Black Swan on the accuracy of predictive models when applied to modern society. The author likes Popper too and shares similar views about Marx, so it would even be an enjoyable read for you. However, he doesn't seem to think that his arguments point towards the dismantling of most of the social sciences. Well, which sensible person would, since the culling of anything non-predictive would eliminate very useful research in fields such as development, where predicting anything is difficult at best but things still have to be done for progress to be possible?
Thanks for the recommendation, I'll keep that in mind.
Popper did not argue for dismantling social sciences either. In fact, by arguing that science is fallible, he kind of promoted social sciences: if hard sciences can fail too, surely you cannot dismiss other studies on the grounds that they can fail?
Now, there's a difference between "social sciences are not intrinsically trustworthy" and "social sciences are intrinsically wrong". It could be the case that a particular theory
happens to be right, without being scientifically rigorous. For example, the invisible hand. What that means is a theory like the invisible hand can still fail at certain circumstances. Because it doesn't try to be the theory of everything that applies everywhere no matter what, it leaves room for alternative theories. For certain markets - I'm sure you'll come up with a long list yourself - you can argue that state planning works better.
The first corollary is that you must not forbid people from disagreeing with the invisible hand. This I reckon is the difference between autocrats wearing the liberal clothing and a true (classical) liberal. I might think Marx is wrong for most parts, but I'm acutely aware that it's my opinion, and not universal truth. A true liberal defends the rights of his opponents, no matter how much he disagrees with them. An autocrat claims he represents the one and only truth. The paradox of Marxism trying to be dogmatic but yet has more than a few interpretations was precisely the reason Trotsky was exiled. The theory presupposes a single version of the truth, it cannot tolerate dissidence. But if the dissidence is marginally reasonable, you cannot remove it by simple arguments, so the only resort was to remove the dissident physically.
The second is that while a social theory may be right, or more predictive than other theories, it is inherently less trustworthy than hard sciences. If you drop an iron ball from a tower, you can be fairly sure how long it will take to hit the ground, because the science behind it is well-understood. Social phenomena can easily be more complex than the most advanced physics studies. If you lower taxes you can't be as certain if you'll get better growth. Conversely if you abolish classes you can't be certain that all social ills will be gone. Marx's fault was that he was too confident to consider how his theory could fail. He left no guards against failures, so when things went wrong, they went as wrong as possible. A social policy must therefore be evaluated not on how good it will be when it works, but on how bad it can be when it fails. On that measure, capitalism (especially the welfare kind) is vastly superior to communism, even if the best of the former looks horrible compared to the utopian vision of the latter. It is still theoretically possible for someone to figure out how to prevent Soviet failures when constructing a communist society, though that is about as likely as the Second Advent. Until that happens, communism must not be attempted again.