It always weirds me out how “cultural issues” or “identity issues” (here framed as initiatives designed to benefit a specific oppressed group) are always framed as existing in direct opposition to “economic” or “working class” issues.
Like that’s the piece with this obsession of going back to working class or economic issues. It is rarely, in my experience, framed as “a thing we should emphasize in our messaging,” but rather is something we should be doing instead of identity politics. It is firmly of a kind with the old radical centrist chestnut of “we should sell out trans/gay/immigrant/etc. people because the average voter will never countenance any sort of positive view of them.
I think it’s also sort of ahistorical at this point? Like Bernie in 2019/20 did the full-bore “lead with economic politics and hook in oppressed groups by connecting their struggle back to the material issue” strategy and he got rinsed in the south because he failed to connect with African American voters. Meanwhile the most successful union drive in recent memory owes its dramatic success in large part to centering identity politics. Like the central organizing issues that drove the initial surge of the starbucks union were 1) organizing around BLM and questions of racial equity in the workplace in the wake of George Floyd, and 2) the way that management used the threat of revocation of health care access, and in particular gac access, as leverage to demand total compliance from precarious workers.
It’s the same with a lot of the ASE drived as well. Like a cornerstone of the most recent strike action here at UW was about rights and protections for international students. It’s important, not only in that these sorts of “identity-specific issues” don’t actually tend to turn ostensibly unaffected people off, but rather that when you get buy-in from the most precarious, they become the most enthusiastic, most motivated, most radical, and most active organizers in the movement.