I'm going to need to check this tomorrow. I've got no idea if it makes sense.
Camikaze said:
What I've been reading is stuff more related to ANZAM and the Strategic Reserve and such, so it doesn't go into detail on this, but something I read suggested that it was Sukarno wanting to drum up another nationalist cause given the West Papua issue was coming to an end. Is that remotely true?
That's part of it but Sukarno was juggling lots of factors at this stage. So the answer is
somewhat more complex than that. The biggest mistake that most people make is reducing West Papua to being just a nationalist cause célèbre. It was more than that - and so for that matter was
Konfrontasi. In examining the one we shed light on the other, so I'll start with West Papua and then move onto
Konfrontasi.
West Papua did appeal to domestic nationalist sentiment. It was something that Sukarno himself had been using as a lever in his domestic political manoeuvrings for quite a while. Most as a result of the fact that he was
allowed it - the Liberal Democratic President Sukarno was meant to be seen and not heard - because foreign adventurism wasn't high on the parties' list of things to be done. The problem with stirring up nationalist sentiments on an issue is that it's a rather hard thing to put them away. Thus when Sukarno inaugurated Guided Democracy and put himself in the driving seat, he couldn't and to an extent wouldn't put the issue to rest. So he decided to farm it for all the domestic prestige it was worth; the intention not being to fight for it but force the Dutch through domestic pressure to hand it over. When the initial round of negotiations failed, Sukarno decided to bring bigger literal guns to bear...
The happy consequence of bringing his military to bear against the Dutch was that it kept the military busy with military rather than political matters. Something of prime concern for Sukarno who was wary of the threat that the military posed to him. In large part he overestimated the threat, Nasution a key figure in the military of the time was a committed Sukarnoist, as was most of the senior command, but he was justified in seeing the military as a potential future threat. The net result of all this positioning was a limited commitment of Indonesian troops, the chief aim of which was never to 'win' but to signal how 'serious' Indonesia was about the whole business. The thinking being, partially correctly as it turns out, that the Dutch weren't going to risk a major war a half a world away for the last scraps of a now defunct empire. (The Dutch would have fought back if the United States hadn't taken a harder line under Kennedy in an attempt to reconcile with Indonesia, something that happened... for a while at least; as it was with no American help, they backed down and gave up).
The problem with this kind of analysis is that it ignores just how influential Sukarno was. He made the West Papua his own. There's little doubt in my mind that in his absence it wouldn't have been as significant a factor as it was. That it grew its own legs and forced him to take up the cause again is a testament to just how influential he was. It was his child; his creation. He was the one who took it seriously enough to make it as a major plank of his policies as President and he was the one who kept at it till he improbably got what he wanted.
Konfrontasi operated under the same terms: it was to an extent a substitute for West Papua. But it needs to be stressed that Sukarno took up the Borneo cause only after the suppression and arrival of activists from Brunei as a result of the failure of the Brunei Revolt. This was what turned his attention northwards. Similar efforts in the other two states fizzled, generating another influx of political activists. Hot on the heels of this political activism came the Federation debate; which Sukarno at least initially had been supportive, in a broad sense, of. What added insult to the injury of having a legitimately popular revolution being crushed by British - imperialists - was the lack of consultation and the outright rail-roading of the three into the Federation to counter-balance Singapore. Combine with Sukarno's dislike of Malaysia and the Tengku and the mix was positively toxic.
Initial Indonesian efforts were confined to diplomatic inquiries and support for the independence of the three states. The main thrust of Indonesia diplomacy focused on moderating the terms of the Federation, aiming to either a frustrate them outright or at least modify them by making including allowances for such
annoying impediments as a vote on universal suffrage. Incidentally, this was not out of step with what the local British Civil Servants and parts of the Colonial Office wanted. This was refused, partly because it wasn't a Done Thing to bow to Sukarno and because the situation in Singapore kept deteriorating correspondingly increasing the threat of a lolCommunist takeover and a destruction of the British position in Asia. When the diplomatic offensive spluttered...
Sukarno drew on his experiences in West Papua and began to use the military as a diplomatic instrument. He figured that if the Brits weren't willing to listen to reason he'd force them to listen to their wallets. The initial efforts were confined to training locals for reinsertion, something that worked; but was frustrated by a lack of numbers and the general indifference of the rural population to the rebels. (Outright hostility to the Federation was a given; people just weren't interested enough in aiding rebels from the cities and/or risking their lives for the matter). This was then supplemented through volunteers and then through 'volunteers'. The problem for Sukarno this time around was that the British were willing to get into an expensive pissing match and were committed to forcing the Federation. So no matter what he did, he wasn't going to win...
In short, Sukarno made use of the prestige that Konfrontasi offered but seems to have been genuinely concerned with how the Federation was being formed. His actions were chiefly concerned with getting a satisfactory outcome in the latter. Even if his words suggest otherwise.
Camikaze said:
My understanding of it was that Australia was more concerned about keeping Indonesia vaguely on side than helping out Britain (when leaving it up to them rather than taking over the responsibility was kinda beneficial anyway). How successful was Australia at avoiding pissing off Indonesia too much?
Which was outright nonsensical. Australia might not have been a
wholly willing partner (and made that abundantly clear) but it still sent troops that killed Indonesians. No amount of prevarication or reluctance was apt to change that simple fact. The Indonesians were at least initially willing to cut Australia some slack - Australia had refused to be a party to the Dutch military interventions and that was remembered - but that good will didn't survive the conflict.