Nature: Empires, bureaucracies and religion arise from war

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Empires, bureaucracies and religion arise from war
Computer simulation shows that conflict fuelled political consolidation in ancient and medieval history.
Laura Spinney
23 September 2013
(link)
Spoiler :
War drove the formation of complex social institutions such as religions and bureaucracies, a study suggests. The institutions would have helped to maintain stability in large and ethnically diverse early societies. The study authors, who tested their theories in simulations and compared the results with historical data, found that empires arise in response to the pressure of warfare between small states.

Peter Turchin, a population dynamicist at the University of Connecticut in Storrs, and his colleagues set out to understand why social institutions came about when they were costly for individuals to build and maintain. “Our model says they spread because they helped societies compete against each other,” says Turchin. The results are published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

The team looked at a part of world history in which competition was fierce: Africa and Eurasia between 1500 bc and ad 1500. In the first millennium bc, nomads on the Eurasian steppe invented mounted archery, the most effective projectile weaponry technique until gunpowder. As that technology spread, evolving into chariot and cavalry warfare, conflict intensified.

The researchers developed a model in which Africa and Eurasia were divided into a grid of cells 100 kilometres on a side. Each cell was characterized according to the kind of landscape, its elevation about sea level and whether or not it had agriculture — because the first nations were agricultural societies. At the start of the simulation, each agricultural cell was inhabited by an independent state, and states on the border between agrarian societies and the steppe were seeded with military technology. The team simulated the diffusion of that technology and looked for effects on the intensity of warfare and the development of social institutions.

War and peace
Turchin recognizes that states compete in more ways than just warfare, but says that although his model was simple, it predicted the historical rise of empires in the region with 65% accuracy. That figure dropped to 16% if the diffusion of military technology was omitted from the model. Moreover, the disintegration of empires led to the dismantling of institutions. “When the Roman Empire broke up, literacy effectively went extinct, because the smaller fragment states did not need a literate bureaucracy,” says Turchin.

Turchin is championing a systematic approach to history that tests hypotheses against big data; he calls it cliodynamics, after Clio, the ancient Greek muse of history. He has been criticized for searching for patterns in too few data. But Kenneth Pomeranz, a historian of modern China at the University of Chicago in Illinois and president of the American Historical Association, says that Turchin’s claims are reasonable given their “very rough granularity”. Turchin, says Pomeranz, wants “to explain why big states form in some places more often than others, not why the Greeks defeat the Persians at Salamis or why Qin rather than Chu becomes the core state of the early Chinese empire”. Pomeranz adds that Turchin's model of early empire building is a “real contribution”.

Joe Manning, an ancient historian at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut, is a fan of cliodynamics because “at a minimum, it forces specialists to think holistically about societies”. It could also be useful for making predictions, says Harvey Whitehouse, an anthropologist at the University of Oxford, UK, with whom Turchin is collaborating to build a global database of historical information. “Being able to predict extreme behaviour in much the same way as epidemiologists predict disease outbreaks would enable governments to establish early-warning systems and deploy damage-limitation measures," says Whitehouse.

//

Early war in general must be beneficial for development, not disruptive. At least in the next installment.
 
"Sweeping generalisation sweepingly generalised the sweeping generalisations in a sweepingly general fashion"?
 
"Sweeping generalisation sweepingly generalised the sweeping generalisations in a sweepingly general fashion"?
:lmao:

That's a contender for post of the year, that.

I think I've played this simulation. It was made by Sid Meier. What was it called again?

I've got it! Railroad Tycoon!

I must admit, I approve of the man's idea; an attempt to determine why large states occur more often in some regions than others is laudable. I just don't think this is the way to do it. Nor, for that matter, do I think it's a question that has any single answer.
 
There's more than a little dissatisfaction in academia with the way Turchin goes about demonstrating the things he talks about. The article does touch on it - the issue of granularity, and of limited data-points that are individually highly contextualized.

But the basic message of the article (or, at least, the title) isn't wrong. War is a fairly integral part of state-building. The problem is that this is a blatantly obvious conclusion, because the primary purpose of states for thousands of years was the prosecution of war. Roberts' "Military Revolution" hypothesis - you know, only the defining historiographical topos for three entire centuries of European history - from sixty years ago was based on this very fundamental claim.
 
There's more than a little dissatisfaction in academia with the way Turchin goes about demonstrating the things he talks about. The article does touch on it - the issue of granularity, and of limited data-points that are individually highly contextualized.

But the basic message of the article (or, at least, the title) isn't wrong. War is a fairly integral part of state-building. The problem is that this is a blatantly obvious conclusion, because the primary purpose of states for thousands of years was the prosecution of war. Roberts' "Military Revolution" hypothesis - you know, only the defining historiographical topos for three entire centuries of European history - from sixty years ago was based on this very fundamental claim.
I've heard that theory before, but never with a name attached to it. Can I get the full name and whatever book he wrote up the theory in?

I recall coming across a theory many years ago that posited that states formed from smaller polities for defensive purposes - like the leagues of Greek and Sumerian city-states, formed to defend against military threats in their regions - and as power became more centralised this progressed into offensive military operations. Never followed it to its source though.
 
I fundamentally disagree with the notion of a unified theory of anything relating to the humanities, sociology, or anthropology, or else those that exist are so broad, general, and self-evident that they aren't really useful in describing or understanding anything.

So yeah, mostly what Dachs says.
 
I've heard that theory before, but never with a name attached to it. Can I get the full name and whatever book he wrote up the theory in?
Michael Roberts was the guy who started it in his article "The Military Revolution, 1560-1660". He examined it in a narrowly Swedish context, but associated scholars soon pushed it out to form an all-encompassing framework for European military history, financial institutions, and state formation between Columbus and Napoleon. Geoff Parker's The Military Revolution, 1500-1800: Military Innovation and the Rise of the West is as good an introduction into the historiographical concept as any. Jeremy Black, one of the most prolific (if not necessarily incisive) military-historical academics of all time, wrote a competing work, A Military Revolution? Military Change and European Society 1550-1800. Michael Duffy's The Military Revolution and the State was a good earlier contribution to the literature.

I read an article by Roger Chickering a few years ago about competing military revolution concepts and how the historiography is amusingly at odds over the role of the late eighteenth century in the development of "total" warfare and warfare in general. It's just one of the holes that have been poked in the idea, which as a result has deflated somewhat in the last few decades. Jan Glete and Robert I. Frost, among many others, have developed alternative interpretations.
 
"War is the father of all things" ;)

Well, it can seem that way. In the end it is just another key-word one can focus upon hoping it is an actual compass. I am of the view that nothing like that exists, though.
 
Early war in general must be beneficial for development, not disruptive. At least in the next installment.

Right, because empires, bureaucracy, and religion are all such wholly positive things.
 
Right, because empires, bureaucracy, and religion are all such wholly positive things.
Only rootless cosmopolitan Atlanticist atheists think otherwise :gripe:
 
In other news, computer simulations also show that Bohemia should have conquered the Caspian Sea basin by the 1600
 
It did, which is why Bohemia is (obviously :rolleyes: ) a word of the same root as Behemoth. Its incredible old conquests were falsely documented and finally erased from what we are taught as history, but you cannot erode the obvious relation with its old name.

I mean, being wrong is one thing, but being wrong while using both a wrong premise and a wrong argument centered on it, makes it right (i guess). So you will still be right, as long as the number of basis added to arguments is odd (exactly like raising a negative number to a power).

History Channel Aliens supports this idea too. I guess- though- that this seems to make it again false, so ultimately it is false :hmm:

The above reasoning is only hypothesised to be true, anyway. It is mostly known as the "Ruinman hypothesis". Its function, in the end, will only produce zeros, in regards to both trivial and non-trivial logic... :D
 
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