No, I think individuality is an entirely different creature from liberty. Certainly individuality seems to be predicated on some liberties, such as the liberty to hold beliefs. But short of mind control even the most totalitarian regimes cannot obliterate individuality completely, because taking away liberties is one thing but actually being able to stop people from doing anything you don't like is another.
Isn't stopping people from doing things the same as taking away their liberties of doing such things? Correct me if I'm wrong: you seem to be saying, while it is possible to take away a specific liberty, it's not possible to take away the entire individuality, hence they are different. But that doesn't suggest they are
entirely unrelated. Perhaps you can compromise individuality by taking a way a number of liberties which constitute it?
There is no way you can quantify and divide individuality like that, so this makes no sense at all.
How about if I tell you to take your innate individuality and sum it with all other persons' then divide the total by the number of people to get your real collectivised individuality? Does that make any sense to you? Well, that's what you're suggesting.
I can tell you now that your understanding of theory seems to suck big time. I don't think there is any way to convince you of anything unless it can be reduced to "this person has one dollar and the other person has two".
Keep in mind I was talking about how the collectivists interpreted individuality. I wouldn't find it surprising that some leftists concurred, seeing that I was speaking in their tongue. I don't necessarily agree with them myself. Freedom of speech from state censorship, for example, is a priceless right that everyone should have, whether you have one dollar or a million dollars. If you can't accept their theories, it means you're to the right of collectivists, which is a good thing
What you're doing here is virtually the same as constructing a strawman. You create your own definition of individuality and collectivism with your own rules about when they mean what, create a web of relations connecting the two and material wealth, put them together in a fashion that appears logical and present the result as a critique of Marxism. I have seen badly-written Leftist essays like that. It's quite ironic that I'm reading something similar coming from the other side.
Now, that's a different accusation from saying "the collectivists were wrong". If you think I was misrepresenting collectivism, would you be so kind as to explain how collectivists justified themselves? And which parts of my reasoning would a collectivist (not you) find disagreeable?
You could've cut all of the above down to the simple statement of the usual critique of Communism - that it aspires for freedom but ends up with a dictatorship. But an aristocrat might have said the same about democracy during the French Terror. It's no criticism of a theory that people have applied it badly. At worst it just indicates that the theory is difficult to apply. I'm not willing to give up on it simply for that reason, though.
Where you fail completely is in coming up with a coherent theoretical critique of the theory.
It's not merely difficult to implement Marxism. There are serious, fatal flaws in Marxism that to this day remain unresolved:
1. Material abundance in Marx's sense has never been achieved;
2. Nobody has found out how to make planning work better than the market;
3. Machinery did not completely replace human labour;
4. Abolishing the need to work has not historically made people willing to work more enthusiastically;
5. Removal of private property ownership did not abolish class.
Marx made opposite assumptions to the above points when he argued for his anarchist paradise. His elaboration on these questions did not go much further than "advanced mode of production must liberate more forces of productions". Yet those aspects were precisely where the Soviet Union differed from his conjectures. Other human struggles, such as religion and culture, were typically described as different manifestations of class struggle by Marx ("history of all hitherto existing society" etc.), and he basically wished them away, because abolition of classes was going to fix everything. These are my arguments against the plausibility of a Marxist utopia. As for other aspects of Marxism, Karl Popper offered excellent criticisms to dialectical and historical materialism, whereas labour theory of value is all but replaced by other theories, such as marginal utility.
The critiques of collectivism is different. Collectivism is certainly not difficult to implement. Critiques against Stalinism are plethoric, and are usually against collectivism rather than Marx's anarchist utopia. F.A. Hayek for instance argued as early as in 1940s that collectivism must always degenerate into totalitarianism. He was right. Plenty of other people, among whom many communists, have rebutted collectivism, yet few came up with ideas to cure it of its innate deficiencies.
Now, to summarise my critique of Marxism, I ask three questions:
1. Whether or not an utopia where everyone lives happily ever after is at all possible, the reasons against which have been given above;
And, assuming the utopia is possible, whether collectivism would still be the means to achieve it:
2. If so, what can be done to ensure the mistakes in Soviet Union would not be repeated;
3. Otherwise, what are other ways to achieve the utopia.
It is my belief that communists have answered none of these three questions satisfactorily. This was the main reason revolutionary Marxism has lost its status as a mainstream ideology. Of course, leftist intellectuals have tried - and Stalinism, Maoism, etc., as well as Marx's own transitional socialism phase, were all answers to the question of what should happen in the absence of material abundance. Others, typically more modern socialists, gave up on the ideas of abundance and anarchy altogether, essentially becoming welfare capitalists. The abandonment of orthodox Marxism is surely not a coincidence.
Freedom of speech is not a policy. Sheesh, you don't even know your own liberal politics
Pray tell, how is freedom of speech not a policy if you can write it down as "Congress shall make no law ... abridging the freedom of speech"?
People do tend to be liberal about interpreting words, including yourself, evidently. But here I'm particularly unsympathetic to your complaint. The dictatorship of the proletariat is democratic, but it is also a dictatorship because it's the uncontested rule of the workers. As a capitalist you wouldn't have much if any say in such a society, but as a worker you would. Is that indicative of doublespeak or of some nuance?
Can you tell me who were "capitalists" and who were "workers" during the Great Purge? This argument, which was used by Stalinists, might have worked if the people actually knew they were one of the working class, as opposed to of any combinations of opportunist, capitulationist, revisionist, fractionist, individualist, counter-revolutionary, reactionary, running-dog, renegade, traitor, scab, spy, saboteur, quisling. And that is if you also assume the working class actually had a say. In reality, few people did know. One day you are a perfectly proletarian worker. The next day you have betrayed the revolution, because you said something vaguely unorthodox, or because you sided with the wrong party leader, or because someone found out you have a relative living abroad, or because you stepped on your boss's toe, or simply because you were an intellectual. For all practical purposes, the dictatorship was a dictatorship, and most people had preciously little control over their work, pay, reading, entertainment, food, clothing, housing, travel, don't even think about fancy things like a fair trial. Yet they were told to believe it was a democracy. That is the textbook definition of doublethink. "[T]o be conscious of complete truthfulness while telling carefully constructed lies, to hold simultaneously two opinions which cancelled out". Isn't the very notion of "uncontested rule of the workers" such a carefully constructed lie?
Yeah, and at this rate no one should be surprised that you don't know much.
Apparently, Marxist approaches that are not deterministic have the singular characteristic of being dry and boring, so there really is only the deterministic version, which you can simply knock down by saying "but look at the USSR!"; and that's why Marxism sucks.
That's not what I said. Marx's original theory was deterministic. It was also dry and boring. Being dry and boring has little to do with the validity of a theory. In fact, whether determinism is a sound philosophy doesn't make or break Marxism either. If determinism is valid, because most of Marx's predictions have dramatically failed, something in his induction must have been terribly wrong. If determinism is not valid, the entire historical materialism would be moot. Lenin and later communists used non-determinism to excuse Marx where he was wrong, then carried on to use determinism to claim communism is still inevitable. But you can't have it both ways.
Here's an interesting video about motivation:
The only thing is I don't think the label "purpose-maximisers" makes much sense, since I don't think we can maximise purpose. Purpose-oriented as opposed to profit-oriented would be better.
That's a nice talk. It's essentially what Marx meant when he said people would work spontaneously in a communist society. I think the speaker pointed out a crucial prerequisite: pay people enough to take the issue of money off the table. In Marx's world, people are not paid by money, but by practically unlimited goods, so he wasn't entirely wrong in expecting spontaneous work. This is also the basis of claims that if a communist revolution happened in a rich country it would be successful. At least according to Marx, the rich countries of his time, such as England, were but a small step away from material abundance.
It didn't work out in the Soviet Union because there wasn't such an abundance. Scarcity of basic goods can indeed be solved by material incentives, which did not exist in the Soviet Union. No incentives meant people did less mechanical work, and made less basic goods. Less goods meant the creative types weren't doing creative work either, except for those who were a part of the propaganda machine. This was how (I quote
Yeekim) "if the People pretend to be working, the Party pretends to be feeding them" came about.