innonimatu said:
I know very well the history of East Timor up to the indonesian invasion, thank you. At least from the portuguese perspective, I even had opportunity to discus it with some people involved with it and I do believe that I have better sources that you on what happened in the territory up to the invasion.
Right, because you've demonstrated that by responding to something I never said; namely, that I thought the destruction of FRETLIN
the lesser evil. I certainly think the destruction of FRETLIN a Good Thing, mostly because killing people is a Bad Thing, however you spin it. But that isn't to say that I think, or have ever thought, that the Indonesian invasion was a Good Thing. And moreover, you should know this, I've said as much in past threads - ones, if memory serves me right - you've been a party too. Also, when responding in a manner which accords with a great deal of knowledge, don't give me the potted version. I think it fair to assume that in most matters SEAsian, I'm familiar with the particulars.
innonimatu said:
UDT and FRETILIN were so recent and so weak locally by mid-1975 (they were less than one year old and didn't really had any set ideology) that they could not have done much to rule a new independent country.
Yes, I'm aware of that - but I fail to see how a lack of formal -lolmarxism/capitalism - ideology had much to do with anything. The most salient issue was independence: the when's, the wheres and the how's. On that issue the UDT and FRETLIN divide was obvious
and gaping. And a cursory understanding of SEA history would tell you that single issues - especially in the pre-independence phase - are sufficient to hang people over (har har).
innonimatu said:
If they came to war it would be quickly over, the territory and the urban base they used being so small!
That's not the point. There was no war (and I know that) more a series of interconnected massacres involving conflicting elites, drawing on small ideologically motivated bases to do the dirty work. But all that doesn't excuse what went on: there were massacres, killings and general nastiness (that word again!), which you denied. And that did
bitterly sour relations between the UDT and FRETLIN.
innonimatu said:
As it was (and when it happened, frankly the party which behaved worse was the portuguese governor who retreated to Ataúro instead of putting up a fight and denying political cover for the indonesian invasion plot known to be taking place).
There was no 'Indonesian' invasion plot. There was a group of doods inside the Indonesian government clustered around Ali Murtopo whose job - on paper, at least - was to try and induce Timor to join peacefully. Murtopo knew that was a still-birth and decided to orchestrate a crisis with the
express purpose of bringing about an invasion and occupation of Timor. (And frankly that's even giving Murtopo more credit than he deserves, because it isn't clear if that's what he was really trying to do. Murtopo is notable for causing one crisis, only to use it as an excuse to sort out another; that was how he rolled, and it served Suharto really well, putting the apparent targets on watch while decimating the real targets flat-footed.
The other principal player in the thing is Benny Murdani (actual name: Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani) whose role is even more confusing, because he was given the job of collecting intelligence but never seems to have collected much. He seems to have preferred to collect a careful concoction of lies and propaganda. (And even then, it isnt quite clear what Murdani was angling for although it might be personal gains, not necessarily as a result of the invasion. From his perspective: a Communist (FRETLIN) take-over despite his (mostly bull) warnings would have made him look better viz. a viz. his competition).
When der tag became 'inevitable' it was Murtopo and Murdani who blazed the trail keeping in the dark most of the rest of the military. This was all done in the guise of operational secrecy but was more than likely a means of keeping knowledge of the extent of the plotting secret from Suharto (we think). Because it helps to explain why Murtopo and Murdani both intelligence officers, with no staff experience, were 'allowed' to plan an invasion in the first place and were moreover not punished when it went ass up.
All this was set against Suharto's own ambivalence to the whole scheme. Even the '65 fever seems to have trouble being baited. In some cases he seems to be have been downright hostile to the whole notion going so far as to do nothing on the day of the invasion. He was also supposed to have said something to the effect of, in an emotional voice, itself unheard off: This is what I shall be remembered for. This is so far out of character for Suharto that a fair few sources have rejected it out of hand even with the strong evidence we have for him having said it. All-in-all it took some serious pushing over about the life of the crisis before he could get prodded towards action and even then he dragged his feet the whole way.
Part of the reason he did so was because Adam Malik and literally the whole of the loltechnocrats and civilian administration vehemently opposed intervention. They thought - quite correctly - that they could restrain Suharto, which they did, what they hadn't counted on was elements of the military going it alone, presenting Suharto what amounted to a
fait accompli for invasion and convincing him to sign it without the chance to argue him down. This was despite Malik's rather inopportune assurance to José Ramos-Horta that there would be no invasion - really intervention because nobody thought of an occupation as a likely outcome - which was itself endorsed by Suharto.
In sum, there was no Indonesian plot, there was a plot of Indonesians composed chiefly of two senior intelligence officers, who did it for reasons that aren't wholly clear. Moreover, what the hell was the governor going to do? The UDI would have gone ahead even if he had intervened against it, hell that would be one of the few things that would have possibly made it
go faster. Even if we assume that it all went ahead at the same time - or some latter period - then what's the governor going to do to stop the invasion? Wave a flag? Dude might have taken the easy approach - sit back and wait - but that was also the sensible approach to be honest. The most likely result was right up until the UDI a UDT victory and a staged withdrawal of Portuguese power. And frankly, while he did have knowledge of an Indonesian hand in events there's no reason to suppose that he knew anything more than Malik the
freaking Foreign Minister of Indonesia did.
innonimatu said:
APODETI was the third party born in 1974, the indonesian tool, which was fine with Portugal so long as it could show that it had major support - releasing East Timor as an independent state or to Indonesia, it didn't matter so long as that was what the timorese wanted.
APODETI didn't matter. It had some support in the border, and amongst a small swathe of the elite and the Muslim population. But even with Indonesian support it didn't amount to much. I dismissed it accordingly, and didn't bother to even mention it. For the record, it was also subject to FRETLIN attacks.
innonimatu said:
UDT and FRETILIN joined to demand the exclusion of APODETI from the negotiations in Macau.
Hur, hur. That was fine, they could that, but the sad face fact is that they couldn't and that it was still the prick relative of Indonesian policy.
innonimatu said:
So, with APODETI marginalized, the indonesians set about drivings wedge between the UDT-FRETILIN alliance made in January 1975 and seducing UDT. And managed to do it, in May, 27 the alliance was broken.
Does not follow. The exclusion of APODETI was a Bad Thing for Indonesian policy. It meant the complete death of the lolpeaceful integration option - granted it was a dumb idea to begin with but it
was peaceful. The real intent of the UDT-FRETLIN wedge was intended to distance UDT from FRETLIN with the express intent of excluding FRETLIN from power. It was mostly successful in doing so.
innonimatu said:
In June 25 a new local local statute to prepare the independence was approved by the portuguese government, but FRETILIN boycotted the meeting. It had started to become more markedly leftist. It was also finding some sympathy within several locally recruited military units.
Which was the case here. FRETLIN boycotted, lost its say (woo said Indonesian policy makers) and in doing so excluded itself from the more moderate path leaving it with the UDI as the only real trump card left in the deck (booo said Indonesian policy makers). As to the militant leftist isn't that in contradiction to what you said earlier, or is that a recognition of what I said: that independence was the important thing and not Orthodachs Marxism. And I'm aware of the growth of it's relative military power viz. a viz. the UDT - that helps to explain what happened next.
innonimatu said:
This in turn made UDT paranoid and led it to accept weapons from the indonesians and prepare a coup of its own before - they feared - FRETILIN manged to do one.
Which is this. And there's every indication that FRETLIN was planning one of its own.
innonimatu said:
The portuguese neglect of the territory and absolute lack of authority which developed there in 1975 allowed UDT to lauch its little coup, with indonesian weapons and the collaboration of a few policemen of the colonial administration, and allowed also the other party which fought back to present themselves and be presented to the world as a dangerous pro-communist party (FRETILIN) about to take power in a new state when they moved against and defeated UDT's coup. They weren't.
I'm really only interested in the pro-communist part; the rest I agree with except for the Portuguese neglect angle. But w/e. The simple fact was that FRETLIN was fingered with the Chinese and had been moving further to the left. Whether or not it was Communist in actual fact was immaterial. What is telling is that Indonesian policy makers could pass them off as Communist which was a reflection of FRETLIN as it was: not quite Communist and certainly not Capitalist. (lame division I know, but whatever this is the Cold War).
innonimatu said:
FRETILIN just didn't had the people to go over the traditional local authorities and effectively rule the country as some communist dictatorship. It didn't even want to. It wasn't even a proper communist party: it had started out as the "social-democratic timorese assotiation" and until the coup the war its membership and ideas were in flux.
Something about flux and didn't even want to don't add up. But the sad fact is that most of the people involved were looking long-term rather than short-term. You
have to calibrate your responses to a newly independent or soon-to-be independent country with that in mind. UDT did it, so did FRETLIN (kind off) and the US (not mentioned yet) and Indonesian certainly were.
Yes, it was killing people, a few of those were portuguese prisioners caught after their participation in the failed UDT coup. As I said, I know that portion of the story very well. In civil wars people get killed. Duh!
I don't admit to caring much about Portuguese? Shoot me.
![Frown :( :(](/data/assets/smilies/frown.gif)
But I don't see how the rather lame claim that: people die in civil wars makes it somehow alright or morally acceptable for them to do so. Frankly, people seldom just drop murdered...
innonimatu said:
Anyway, as I said, the real shame was on the portuguese government for not sending some more disciplined troops there as Indonesia's intention became obvious over the Spring of 1975. But it was a difficult time, the portuguese government had very few disciplined soldiers to spare, and many places where they were needed. Ultimately Angola was far more important that East Timor.
There was no obvious 1975 intention.
innonimatu said:
(which, incidentally, was the last of FRETILIN's serious mistakes, proclaiming independence).
That was
the mistake - sitting out Macau was understandable, kind of petulant but there was rhyme to the reason. Fighting UDT was again, understandable. Winning was a good thing in the short run, and a disaster in the long run. But it was still not impossible to come to a concord, with the parts of the UDT that hadn't been involved in or had been at best lukewarm to the coup. The UDI bought that to an end in three ways (1) it demonstrated FRETLINS intention to rule unilaterally, (2) made it almost impossible for FRETLIN to reconcile with UDT or the Portuguese Government and (3) provoked more moderate opinion in Indonesia (fit that into the narrative I presented above) that an invasion was necessary and desirable. (3) Was also despite warnings from parties inside Indonesia sympathetic to peace to do anything else but to stop short of doing that. In doing so, it also stripped itself of Portuguese support and opened itself to invasion.
innonimatu said:
But the governor didn't want to take sides and as a result lost control of the situation. He should have known that by withdrawing he'd let the local troops fall in with FRETILIN and with that finally allow it not only to fight back UDT but also to seem like a real "threat" and thus justify the intended indonesian invasion.
I'm going to go with: he did and knew that ordering them to deal with UDT was the same damn thing.
innonimatu said:
I do believe that Suharto wasn't planning for an invasion until late 1974. You will know more than me about internal indonesian politics, but it seems clear to me that once Portugal informed the Indonesian government of its intention to dispose of East Timor, serious plans for annexation began to be advanced in Indonesia, and I just don't believe that could have been done without his agreement. APODETI wasn't formed accidentally. Suharto's visit to the US in June wasn't accidental. And Kissinger pretty much admitted to his (and the US's) role in supporting and even encouraging the invasion.
4srs plans are quite separate from 4srs policy. Suharto was always pushing the peaceful option even when it was quite obviously not working. He seems to have thought until the last moment that a war over Timor simply wasn't worth it. It was only after the counter-coup and UDI that he thought the need to look at teh master pran. Also, his visit to America was intended to do a couple of things (1) suss out where America stood (ambivalent), (2) test the American waters with Indonesian policy (mostly ambivalent; but opposed to war) and (3) figure out how that all synched with his chosen policy (lol peaceful integration). It told him nothing he didn't already know: America ambivalent; war bad and peaceful integration good. Whatever the case, the US's rather tepid support for lolwar, when it was broadcast (really late in the game), was at best a secondary consideration for more immediate Indonesian planning. American couldn't have intervened even had it wanted to militarily, and it was unlikely, or thought to be, to reduce civilian aid. Military aid on the other hand was expected to fall and that was part of the calculations and had been the whole time.