ReindeerThistle
Zimmerwald Left
What do you guys think of Animal Farm?
Animal Farm was soooo cute with the little pigs and the puppies an Boxer the cart horse and ---- wait a minute, is this a criticism of Stalin? .........
HAAAAATED IT!

What do you guys think of Animal Farm?
@ Reindeer Thistle: What is your opinion of anarchism (note I am here excluding "anarcho-capitalism")? Noam Chomsky once commented that the Soviet Union was a "dungeon". Alexander Berkman essentially called the bolsheviks a betrayal of the revolution. Most anarchist commentary I have read on Stalin and the Soviet Union has been very critical and not very flattering, even going so far as to call the Soviet Union "state capitalism". Many anarchists seem to contend that the Soviets were ultimately detrimental in their interference with the anarchist movement in the Spanish Civil War. What is your reply to these anarchists? Do they have it all wrong? Are they just misguided?
PANNEKOEK, STATE EXPENDITURE AND IMPERIALISM
Ant.Pannekoek, State Expenditure and Imperialism (Die Neue Zeit, 191314, 32,1, No.4, October24, 1913, p.110 et seq.).
(x)In my opinion, the contradiction between principled and reformist tactics is that the latter ? || is too stronglydetermined byimmediate interests, by easily attainable and apparent results, andsacrifices to them the inner strength of the proletariat. Principled, Marxist tactics aim primarily at increasing the power of the proletariat, thereby securing the highest positive results; for these results, being concessions made by the ruling classes, depend primarily on the power of the proletariat (p.111).
Andbeforethe above passage:
(**)not the right word; not so ||2 The essence of the socialist class struggle is inseparable unity of the strugglefor socialism(**) and representation of all the immediate interests of the proletariat. Only the Partys fight for the current interests of the working class makes it the party of the proletariat, true! ||2 the party of the masses, and enables it to win victory (x).
[BOX:][[N.B.Pannekoeks formulation of the question of reformism iswrong. ]]
N.B.[DOUBLE LEFT-TOP-RIGHT BOX END:] Pannekoek has hereposeda question of prime importance, but has answered it badlyor, at least, inaccurately. The unity of the struggle for socialismand forreforms or and for the immediate interests of the workers? But what is the struggle for socialism? In Pannekoeks formula, the distinction between the Left and the Centre isblurred, wiped out, has disappeared. Even Kautsky (who, incidentally, made no rejoinder to this article of Pannekoeks) would subscribe to Pannekoeks formula (the one given here). This formula is wrong.||Thestruggle for socialismlies in theunityof the struggle for the immediate interests of the workers (including reforms) and therevolutionarystrugglefor power, for expropriation of the bourgeoisie, for the overthrow of the bourgeois government and the bourgeoisie.
Whathave to be combined arenotthe struggle for reforms + phrases about socialism, the struggle for socialism,but two formsof struggle.
Forexample:
1.Voting for reforms + revolutionary action by the masses....
2.Parliamentarism + demonstrations....
3.The demand for reforms + the (concrete) demand for revolution....
Economicstruggletogetherwith the unorganised, with the masses, and not onlyon behalf ofthe organised workers....
4.Literature for the advanced + free, mass literature for the more backward, for the unorganised, for the lower masses....
5.Legal literature + illegal...._________________________________________
{cf.same volume ofDie Neue Zeit, p.591, on unskilled workers in America}_________________________________________
a recognized Marxist theorist, Pannekoek was one of the founders of the council communist tendency and a main figure in the radical left in the Netherlands and Germany. He was active in the Communist Party of the Netherlands, the Communist Workers' Party of the Netherlands and the Communist Workers' Party of Germany.
He was best known for his writing on workers' councils. He regarded these as a new form of organisation capable of overcoming the limitations of the old organs of the labour movement, the trade unions and social democratic parties. Basing his theory on what he regarded as the practical lessons of the Russian revolution, Pannekoek argued that the workers' revolution and the transition from capitalism to communism had to be achieved by the workers themselves, democratically organised in workers' councils.
He was a sharp critic of anarchism, social-democracy and Vladimir Lenin and Leninism. During the early years of the Russian revolution, Pannekoek gave critical support to the Bolshevik regime, a position shared by fellow council communist Herman Gorter and Rosa Luxemburg. He expressed misgivings about the authoritarian tendencies of Leninism, fearing for the socialist content of the Russian Revolution unless it should find a rectifying support in a proletarian revolution in the West. His later analysis of the failure of the Russian revolution was that after Lenin and the Bolsheviks came to power, they crippled the soviets. Instead of workers' councils, the Bolsheviks had instituted the rule of their party, which in Pannekoek's view is what led to the institution of the Bolsheviks as a new ruling class. He put his views forward in his 1938 book Lenin als filosoof : een kritische beschouwing over de filosofische grondslagen van het Leninisme originally published under the pseudonym J. Harper, translated in English as Lenin as philosopher - a critical examination of the philosophical basis of Leninism (1948).
Principled, Marxist tactics aim primarily at increasing the power of the proletariat, thereby securing the highest positive results; for these results, being concessions made by the ruling classes, depend primarily on the power of the proletariat” (p. 111).
Pannekoek wasn't an anarchist, he was a council communist. More akin to anarcho-syndicalism.
How is crippling the workers councils increasing the power of the proletariat? Or did Lenin not cripple them?
The soviets were not going to hold power for long. They were not going to win the civil war and beat back the allied interventions. That was Lenin's true argument for taking over, the one he made to the bolsheviks, indeed the bolsheviks' raison d'être. Afaik he never put it as succinctly as Mao (the revolution is an act of violence), but that was the logic: we're taking over because these other people are incapable of carrying out the task. Likewise about the anarchists: it wasn't (just) that they were rivals, it was that they were seen as ineffective.
And it all goes back to people in the Paris Commune sitting on their thumbs arranging elections while an initially vulnerable Thiers in Versailles reorganized an army from shattered remnants to kill them all...
What have "reds" accomplished in the US?
How did you do that? (Links would be great here)We stopped a $600 million electric rate increase in SoCal last year, $250 million increase in NY State utility rates. We stopped the governor or California from cutting 87% of the budget for in-home care for the elderly and disabled. State legislators are parroting our line, and joining with us as tactical allies to keep people's utilties on.
Solidarity with China is quite interesting. What sort relationship does the American Red movement have with the Chinese communist party, and China as a whole. What can America learn about social justice from the Chinese?We have also sent people in solidarity to teach English in China and to do medical trips to Cuba and we are currently assisting ELAM grads in getting residencies, to get more working class doctors providing medical care. To name a few. We have contacts in the governments of the BRV, PRC, Cuba, Viet Nam, to name a few. We helped the BRV and Citgo distribute thousands of free compact fluorescent bulbs.
Cool!
We stopped a $600 million electric rate increase in SoCal last year, $250 million increase in NY State utility rates. We stopped the governor or California from cutting 87% of the budget for in-home care for the elderly and disabled. State legislators are parroting our line, and joining with us as tactical allies to keep people's utilties on.
How did you do that? (Links would be great here)
We have also sent people in solidarity to teach English in China and to do medical trips to Cuba and we are currently assisting ELAM grads in getting residencies, to get more working class doctors providing medical care. To name a few. We have contacts in the governments of the BRV, PRC, Cuba, Viet Nam, to name a few. We helped the BRV and Citgo distribute thousands of free compact fluorescent bulbs.
Solidarity with China is quite interesting. What sort relationship does the American Red movement have with the Chinese communist party, and China as a whole. What can America learn about social justice from the Chinese?
More specifically, in the United States it is common for "Trots" and socialists and CPUSA to be at odds with each other. I do not engage in competitiive polemic, as I am goal-oriented. Marx and Engels put it simply in The Communist Manifesto:As a "relatively new" socialist from England (member of the CWI arm). I'm always amazed at the infighting of the left, is it bad in other countries?
Chapter IV. Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Existing Opposition Parties
Section II has made clear the relations of the Communists to the existing working-class parties, such as the Chartists in England and the Agrarian Reformers in America.
The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims, for the enforcement of the momentary interests of the working class; but in the movement of the present, they also represent and take care of the future of that movement. In France, the Communists ally with the Social-Democrats(1) against the conservative and radical bourgeoisie, reserving, however, the right to take up a critical position in regard to phases and illusions traditionally handed down from the great Revolution.
In Switzerland, they support the Radicals, without losing sight of the fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements, partly of Democratic Socialists, in the French sense, partly of radical bourgeois.
In Poland, they support the party that insists on an agrarian revolution as the prime condition for national emancipation, that party which fomented the insurrection of Cracow in 1846.
In Germany, they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in a revolutionary way, against the absolute monarchy, the feudal squirearchy, and the petty bourgeoisie.
But they never cease, for a single instant, to instill into the working class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile antagonism between bourgeoisie and proletariat, in order that the German workers may straightway use, as so many weapons against the bourgeoisie, the social and political conditions that the bourgeoisie must necessarily introduce along with its supremacy, and in order that, after the fall of the reactionary classes in Germany, the fight against the bourgeoisie itself may immediately begin.
The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany, because that country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that is bound to be carried out under more advanced conditions of European civilisation and with a much more developed proletariat than that of England was in the seventeenth, and France in the eighteenth century, and because the bourgeois revolution in Germany will be but the prelude to an immediately following proletarian revolution.
In short, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order of things.
In all these movements, they bring to the front, as the leading question in each, the property question, no matter what its degree of development at the time.
Finally, they labour everywhere for the union and agreement of the democratic parties of all countries.
The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win.
Working Men of All Countries, Unite!
I understand that the bourgeoisie and the proletariat are a major part of Marxist theory, and that the bourgeoisie is understood to be those who own the means of production and the proletariat are those that don't. My question is, how do people who own stock fit into this understanding. A thirty-something year old secretary that owns shares of the S&P 500 as part of their retirement fund technically owns tiny pieces of corporations. Does that make him petty bourgeoisie?
I know a communist from some of my classes who says that this is "just a technicality." Is that a good way to understand this?
III. FINANCE CAPITAL AND THE FINANCIAL OLIGARCHY
A steadily increasing proportion of capital in industry, writes Hilferding, ceases to belong to the industrialists who employ it. They obtain the use of it only through the medium of the banks which, in relation to them, represent the owners of the capital. On the other hand, the bank is forced to sink an increasing share of its funds in industry. Thus, to an ever greater degree the banker is being transformed into an industrial capitalist. This bank capital, i.e., capital in money form, which is thus actually transformed into industrial capital, I call finance capital. Finance capital is capital controlled by banks and employed by industrialists.[1]
This definition is incomplete insofar as it is silent on one extremely important facton the increase of concentration of production and of capital to such an extent that concentration is leading, and has led, to monopoly. But throughout the whole of his work, and particularly in the two chapters preceding the one from which this definition is taken, Hilferding stresses the part played by capitalist monopolies.
The concentration of production; the monopolies arising therefrom; the merging or coalescence of the banks with industrysuch is the history of the rise of finance capital and such is the content of that concept.
I understand that the bourgeoisie and the proletariat are a major part of Marxist theory, and that the bourgeoisie is understood to be those who own the means of production and the proletariat are those that don't. My question is, how do people who own stock fit into this understanding. A thirty-something year old secretary that owns shares of the S&P 500 as part of their retirement fund technically owns tiny pieces of corporations. Does that make him petty bourgeoisie?
I know a communist from some of my classes who says that this is "just a technicality." Is that a good way to understand this?