Aux armes, Citoyens! for it is now that we are faced with the greatest struggle of our time - that of reviving our glorious nation and removing the wretched malaise which has consumed our conscience. You, through the power of our republic, have spoken, and in your speech you have screamed for change. Now, you have change. In electing me as your president, you have taken the first step towards change - there but now remains to finish the journey we have begun. Today, our march begins, and a very long march it shall be. I thank the people of France for realizing the need for change, and for casting me into this position. I promise you that you have brought about a new era for France - An era of greatness!
For France, as great a nation as it is, is wracked with problems. Fixable problems, but problems nonetheless. For the past two decades, our governments have refused to take the steps necessary towards re-establishing France. They, instead, have chosen to govern through a series of half and quarter measures, doing enough to appear busy, and to superficially please their constituents, but stopping short of any real action towards improving our great nation. This is unacceptable! No more shall you tolerate such indolence, No more shall I tolerate such indolence! There can be no more half-measures - now there only remains time for total deciataion to our noble pursuit - the rebuilding of France! La Rupture begins now, today!
Our first and most crucial step in this surge of action lies in the repairing of our broken economy. For in our modern world, the key to power resides in wealth - both of spirit and of materiel, and only through acquisition of the latter can we regain the former. The drivel which purports that one, without material wealth, can prosper is not true for the realities of our geopolitical atmosphere. For France to be powerful, she must be rich. For her people to be prosperous and content, she must be rich. It is our economy and the failure of our past governments to manage it which has lead to our current state. It is the ruination, the current and lasting ruination of our economy which will lead to the ruination of our country. Likewise, it is the resurgence of our economy which will lead to the resurgence of our nation. Therefore, in order to catalyze such a re-emergence, my first actions will be the repair of our crucial economic institutions. With employment at a horrendous 10%, and growth at a mere pitance, there can be no other actions taken. Now, more than ever, is the time for solutions - and that is what I bring to you, the people, for that is what you yearn for.
However, these solutions should not be misguided and must be directed at the proper problems. For example, unemployment is not due to the inability of our employers to lay off workers, but rather it is due to the lack of oppurtunities being created by our industries. It is not our unique social system which is flawed - it is the lack of capital brought about by the lack of iniative on our part which has lead to our overburdening. The problem, clearly, must be tackled at its root and cause. The time for dirigisme, and volontarisme have returned. The time for malaise and idleness is henceforth over. No longer can foriegn capital be trusted to improve our condition - instead the onus is upon us to create a distinctively French solution to a distinctively French problem. Volontarisme - the will to overcome all problems - must be embraced. This government, unlike the past governments, must be a government of action (and it will be, for this much I shall promise), yet it cannot act completely by itself. Instead, it must act with the cooperation and support of the whole of the people, and it must embrace and encourage our home-grown industries rather than stifle them. Again, a solution for France and only France must be persued. Neither the extremes of rampant capitalism or state socialism can be supported - the only true solution lies in a French economy, one which embraces the best of all systems and discards the worst, leading us to a bright and prosperous future.
Our second, and key step in restoring the prestige of our nation lies in uplifting the spirits of our people, and rebuilding our sense of national pride and unity. As can be seen by the dissent of recent years, there lies a deep problem within our society, and unless we can face this problem, we will not be able to face the future. France can no longer ignore the dissentful youth and immigrants which make up a considerable portion of our population. Just as we must act upon our economy, so too must we act on this key issue. Furthermore, we can no longer ignore that our nation now is a nation of many faiths, and of many peoples. We cannot ignore their concerns or their customs, but at the same time we must remember that we all have one thing in common - the fact that we are French. Diversity should be encouraged, and so too should faiths of all kind. At the same time, however, so too should our national pride be encouraged and embraced. I, as your President, will not tolerate the division of our great country, and I will not tolerate those who espouse hate both within and withour our borders.
This leads me, finally, to another concern - that of France's policies beyond her borders and her relationships with both ally and enemy. We are, undeniably, living in a world of increasing communication and increasing integration. Globlization, as it is refered to, is truly a force of our world, a force which, though it has brought us immense benefits, and though it has allowed the fruits of civilization to spread beyond the west, also must be watched with concern. For globalization, if let unchecked, seeks to override our national consciousness, something which we, as Frenchmen and women, must never allow. Our nation must be apart of the global tapestry, but it must too be a distinct part. This means that Europe, though a great alliance of nations, cannot become anything more - atleast not now. The European Union must remain, and will remain so long as I am President of our republic, an economic confederation with common goals in security and foriegn policy. The people of France reject a European superstate, and so too do I.
And beyond Europe, there lie struggles aswell. Now, around the world, a new war is being fought, one which, for the most part, we as a nation have ignored, but no longer can we ignore it. I speak of the War on Terrorism and radicalism, a war which, if lost, shall mean the destruction of our great western ideals and the imposition of immense tyranny. France can no longer pursue a policy of non-involvement - for that was the error of the 1938 and 1939, errors which lead to our defeat at the hands of the forces of evil. France must play an active part in this worldwide conflict, and we must ensure that our great nation does not succumb. If, under my watch, our great nation is attacked, the retaliation upon such acts is to be so great as to forever preclude a second attack on us. The world must know that killing Frenchmen is an expensive enterprise. We cannot any longer deny that a threat exists, and therefore, we must do whatever in our power we can do to ensure that such threats do not reach France.
We are in a search for lost time - the time when France was once great. However, our search cannot last much longer, and we must once again emerge as a great nation. The world is a dangerous place, and only continues to become more and more dangerous as the days go by. We must be vigilant and we must, above all, be ready for what lays ahead.