Alternate History Thread IV: The Sequel

Yes, yes, there is all that, and I do not deny that it had a lot of very significant short-term (for a long-term definition of short-term :p ) effects, but it is not as though urbanisation had not been steadily ongoing since the eleventh century or so. The cities were growing and urban economy was developing, if at a somewhat sluggish pace after the initial boom. The process was sped up by decades, perhaps centuries, but it is a bit silly to claim that it was not happening at all before the Plague. Generally speaking this sort of demographic and economic instability is good for refreshing the society and speeding up its progress (the fact that it also sort of disrupts the "healthy", "organic" development, e.g. what you said about personal wealth, can be good in that it indeed stimulates further advances out of desperation); but as for its long-term results, those could have been reached just fine without it.
But slow growth isn't going to stimulate things like the rapid one did. It's not a question of reaching a threshold, but of rates of increase outpacing one another; it was that disparity that got things going in the direction that they did. Without the Black Death - or an equivalent Malthusian check - there wouldn't have been the labor problems that stimulated technological development, most specifically in the areas of firearms and the printing press.
 
Certainly, but the absence of a plague would not have frozen all development either. Both firearms and the printing press would've found their use in due time, though it might've been a bit different in specifics and would've happened later and more gradually. The Black Death alone was not accountable for any of the defining characteristics of European civiliation, its effects had merely accentuated them farther.

Also, didn't it set back the cities as well, at first? To be sure, by disrupting certain established institutions it had refreshed the urban life as well, but otherwise the cities would have simply entered a period of stagnation that would've ended in dissent, crisis and reform or revolution. But urban culture and science, and presumably technology as well, was set back quite a bit too; the 14th century before the Plague was pretty nice in this regard, especially in France (arguably the Plague shifted the balance away from France and towards England as far as urban development was concerned).
 
Amusingly enough what I've come up with matches Das's ideas fairly well, sure most of it isn't down on paper [Russia :p] but it's more or less aligned.

The Jing do collapse, it is occupied by the Mongols, but becomes a perennial dumping ground for whatever nomads want to break out of the steppes and wreck things. It rapidly de-urbanizes for the most part and evidences a steady breakdown in sedentary agriculture in the areas most prone to attack. It more or less becomes worthless, compared to the South.

Korea is an interesting problem, I was throwing around the idea of it being influenced by Japan through a possible invasion by the Kamakura Shogunate as a last attempt to regain some degree of a mandate at home. It would fail but secure a few nominal possessions of the Japanese which would steadily diffuse influence into Korea and Nipponese it.

How do the Song gain and influence in South East Asia? I reasoned that with the lack of invasion by the Mongols, Chinese vessels in the region would become far more common. What this would achieve would be the slow driving away of Malay traders from Śrīvijayan which would slowly impoverish the entrepots slowly turning them into ports dependent heavily upon Song trade. This weakening of the individual cities of the league would remove the hegomen status of Jambi and Palembang [at that time dominant] which would bring about a slow contraction and reorientation towards the straits proper and away from Southern Sumatra. This would be bought to a head by the Singhasari invasion in 1288, which would be checked by a hastily deployed Song fleet and the nucleus of an army which would eventually be primarily made up of allies. Which would more or less cement a new relationship, with the Song gaining the role of hegomen in the league's hierarchy. It would take a show of strength later in the decade to drive off the Khmer from the Malay Peninsula proper before the whole thing would more or less fall into place. The Song would gain a handful of cities as direct vassals, and eventually place their own Princely choices backed up by Song or Song trained bureaucrats. A few cities might even come to be ruled by ethnic Chinese who would increasingly become common. The whole lot would eventually come firmly into Song influence and more or less align itself completely. [Some extra butterflies in this whole scenario which I haven't elaborated on, it doesn't exactly go the Song's way a 100%].

The Đai Việt are also in some serious trouble, but I won't elaborate on that atm.

I'm currently up to Pagan, the Khmer, the Kingdom of Dali, I don't know about the Philippines all of which should be done tonight [expecting the Philippines which are a mess] till 1390.

Tomorrow will begin the harrowing process of handling India. Without the Mongol impetus of conquering the pleasant areas around India I don't see as many Turk fleeing them entering India. Which might spare the various native princes abit of grief, I wouldn't go so far as to say the Second Battle of Tarain will be different, but the after effects will be far lessened, at least in terms of the Muslim forces holding territory since they won't have any of the displaced Turks to play with. You’re still likely to see large tracts of the East fall, but not as far as OTL with a chance of it being blunted. Still working on the specifics of that. Sultan Raziya is kind of awesome will be doing more reading on her :p

Now onto addressing comments:

Actually, greater maritime trade=earlier Black Death going by a slightly different path. Italy is going to suffer.

Not the intent of this alt-hist, I would guess that the voyages in the region might be sufficient that the kill period of the Black Death will trigger, there would have been active trade and it doesn't appear to have spread that way :p. But it's not the intention of this alt hist.

As a sidenote, I would have to say that the Black Death was more of a catalyst than anything else.

The Church will suffer, it already was heaving under the weight of its own sins [Dante :p] I’m still interested in the possible specifics so please throw them at me, but I’ll work on those later.

You are seriously overestimating the Song Dynasty, and China's capacity for colonial and commercial expansion in general.

Covered above. The Indian entry will be sometime later, and not necessarily by the “Song” proper :p

Khwarezm.

Agreed, but the region will still survive as an irrigated state, which is important for later. It will also be overrun, just a touch later. This will have interesting effects for India proper and Iran later. Iran is going to be interesting to say the least, and will be rather super. Shiraz will have significant Chinese visitations, but there will others who will be equally important. It will encompass Iran, bits of Central Asia, might have a presence in India/Afghanistan and thereabouts, but will be rather constrained elsewhere.

As to Asia Minor and the Levent I have a vague idea of what’s going to happen there but I’m open to suggestions. East Africa will be amusing.

Egypt is going to be interesting, but you should not rule out another wack at the place by the Crusaders. Egypt will have issues in the middle east, by necessity of the writer and future mod :p

I suspect that the New World would be discovered much later than in OTL if maritime trade in the Indian Ocean prospers, though a lot depends on how the Middle East works out. Perhaps Egypto-Persian resistance to Italian infiltration of the Indian Ocean might cause an earlier attempt to literally get around this problem, though (but it won't be much good for this if they just go around Africa).

It will be discovered much later, and I’m not sure about who is going to discover it… but someone will. I see it more than likely by accident trying to shoot out to sea to catch the winds down the coast of Africa, and overshooting into Brazil.

The America’s civilizations will probably be aided by, 1) a generally weaker technologically wise Europe, 2) some delay in their discovery, 3) a less lucky Europe :p they will still fall but not as hard or as quick ;)

First of all, the Byzantines were in agony and I am not going to be convinced otherwise.

Eastern Europe overload… currently processing :p

Waffle on economic effects

Masada knows them, Europe will suffer ;)

Symphony spoiling the party

Noted and ignored for artistic license, and the knowledge of only a few years ago :p Suffice to say a weaker plague will be likely, heck inevitable… ;)
 
It will be discovered much later, and I’m not sure about who is going to discover it… but someone will. I see it more than likely by accident trying to shoot out to sea to catch the winds down the coast of Africa, and overshooting into Brazil.

Correction, some time after circumnavigating africa, they will discover Brazil - the wind patterns basically mandate it (unless you declare that everyone 'be stupid' for a century or so). This is one of the reasons why I became disatisfied with das' 'Transoceania' TL :(.
 
Exactly.

They won't have as pressing a reason to circumnavigate Africa as early. Courtesy of some degree of competition in the spice market which will have a few possible points of entrance. My plans in Indonesia will also increase the amount of spice available, dropping the prices at point of pickup [that will not make a major change]. It'll happen but the discovery of the Aztec and Inca might be significantly delayed... depending on my mood.
 
The Jing do collapse, it is occupied by the Mongols, but becomes a perennial dumping ground for whatever nomads want to break out of the steppes and wreck things. It rapidly de-urbanizes for the most part and evidences a steady breakdown in sedentary agriculture in the areas most prone to attack. It more or less becomes worthless, compared to the South.

I rather doubt it; sedentary civilisation in such a convenient region could only ever collapse temporarily. The Mongols will eventually rebuild it themselves, I think; and then there will be noone left to attack it except the increasingly civilised Mongols. It still would be rather insignificant as compared to the South, though, yes.

Korea is an interesting problem, I was throwing around the idea of it being influenced by Japan through a possible invasion by the Kamakura Shogunate as a last attempt to regain some degree of a mandate at home. It would fail but secure a few nominal possessions of the Japanese which would steadily diffuse influence into Korea and Nipponese it.

Really not sure. It could happen in the long term, but for now Japan should have its own problems, not to mention its endemic power projection difficulties.

How do the Song gain and influence in South East Asia? I reasoned that with the lack of invasion by the Mongols, Chinese vessels in the region would become far more common.

You see, I'm not sure here. That is to say, they would ofcourse remain much more common than in OTL, but what would be there to motivate any sort of a dramatic increase?

This weakening of the individual cities of the league would remove the hegomen status of Jambi and Palembang [at that time dominant] which would bring about a slow contraction and reorientation towards the straits proper and away from Southern Sumatra. This would be bought to a head by the Singhasari invasion in 1288, which would be checked by a hastily deployed Song fleet and the nucleus of an army which would eventually be primarily made up of allies. Which would more or less cement a new relationship, with the Song gaining the role of hegomen in the league's hierarchy.

That seems rather, ah, fortuitous. Also, I am increasingly of the opinion that China is going to miss out on this particular opportunity; the Song Dynasty was past its prime by the middle of the 13th century.

There is also the matter of Chinese foreign policy not working that way, at least not explicitly. Leagues-schmeagues: all the foreign rulers are tributaries of the Son of Heaven anyway, and I really don't see how would the Chinese be interested in establishing any degree of direct control in South-East Asia beyond Vietnam, or in involving themselves unduly much in local geopolitics.

Chinese hegemony in South-East Asia is possible, but it would take centuries for China to become genuinely concerned with such things, and even then it seems a bit dubious (one more reason for a dynasty change: after the urban middle class grows prominent enough, it could support whoever reunites China after it implodes once again, and so establish a closer rapport with the government than was possible earlier).

I sort of doubt that India would change much until the later 14th century or so.

Shiraz will have significant Chinese visitations, but there will others who will be equally important.

Certainly, that was just an example.

might have a presence in India/Afghanistan and thereabouts, but will be rather constrained elsewhere.

India, especially beyond the Indus, isn't really a traditional or a natural direction for Persian expansion. What's wrong with trying to take over the Indian Ocean trade? The Persians were way better at this than the Chinese.

The America’s civilizations will probably be aided by, 1) a generally weaker technologically wise Europe, 2) some delay in their discovery, 3) a less lucky Europe they will still fall but not as hard or as quick

I'm not sure if they could really fall in a way that isn't hard. No matter what, the disparity is great. Also, why the hell would Europe be less advanced if it has more contacts with China and the like? I'm still not convinced by either edge of the Black Death argument: it still would have happened and had it not happened it still wasn't all good, though it helped.
 
Retroactive deletion.
 
I rather doubt it; sedentary civilisation in such a convenient region could only ever collapse temporarily. The Mongols will eventually rebuild it themselves, I think; and then there will be noone left to attack it except the increasingly civilised Mongols. It still would be rather insignificant as compared to the South, though, yes.

I didn't say it would permanent or complete but it will see a breakdown in agriculture in those areas most prone to attacks with a reorientation to the most defensible. The Mongols will more or less reclaim it yes. However I foresee a mass evacuation of the general populace to the South, especially in the middle to upper class worse than OTL, because more damage has been done to the infrastructure than OTL. Keep in mind this section from the original Mongol beatdown is still yet to be written up to my initial end date of 1390.

Really not sure. It could happen in the long term, but for now Japan should have its own problems, not to mention its endemic power projection difficulties.
I still to have to write this part, but I basically see the invasion fail, with a number of coastal towns being retained and steadily built up. But yes it will be a long term general aim. The failure will be a stand in for the Mongol invasion and subsequent collapse of the Shogunate.

You see, I'm not sure here. That is to say, they would ofcourse remain much more common than in OTL, but what would be there to motivate any sort of a dramatic increase?

It's over the period of the whole space of just under 200 odd years. The process had been happening for a significant time prior to this just as a note, and it was having serious effects on the Śrīvijayan up until the Song fell apart. There would also be the aforementioned growth in the middle and upper class, which would also follow a general trend of prosperity by reduced military expenditure [probably not significant cuts] which would increase demand for spices especially pepper earlier than the Yuan and Ming inspired binge.

That seems rather, ah, fortuitous. Also, I am increasingly of the opinion that China is going to miss out on this particular opportunity; the Song Dynasty was past its prime by the middle of the 13th century.... etc

Granted it is, whose to say the individual Emperors matter all that much :p

As previously stated the league was weakening as Chinese traffic increased prior the Song dynasty, and the Hegomon status of the various major cities were already in free-fall. The traffic increases, special privileges, and general competitive egde knocked out the local merchants and weakened the dominant southern Sumatran states that's what killed the league in OTL more than the Singhasari. The Singhasari did the final death blow, but even when they sacked Palembang one of the titular "powers" they were sacking an entrepot which was increasingly irrelevant because it was so far south. There wouldn't be a dominant state in the region after the "fall" of Śrīvijayan power in the region till Malakeh a fair while after [and even then you can blame the Chinese for setting it up, giving it patronage and then strangling it later :p]. They siddled into to "save" a league which was on its death knell, despite being significantly stronger than OTL, and ended up fulfilling the role of the dominant hegomen, through the acquisition early of colonies.

Even more amusingly, the league wouldn't require much in the way of "maintenance" by the Emperor, ethnic Chinese rulers did happen and are a distinctly increased possibility with increased Chinese contact, not to mention the economic power than Chinese merchants exerted, and even better the traditional Śrīvijayan "navy" could be maintained by simply paying them with tolls... taken from much weakened city states. It doesn't even necessarily need to rule it directly, I hope I made that clear.

A 182 years to run/control a relatively helpless maritime league, and to semi-influence/kind of control the Dai Viet, isn't to much of an ask.

Regime change is a possibility, I'm currently looking for a viable candidate.

On India, there would be no Khiliji Sultans for Dehli and no significant amount of Turks/newcomers driven out by the Mongol advance, more or less giving the native princes a reprieve. A Khiliji dynasty for Persia sounds good :p

India, especially beyond the Indus, isn't really a traditional or a natural direction for Persian expansion. What's wrong with trying to take over the Indian Ocean trade? The Persians were way better at this than the Chinese.

Khiliji dynasty ftw?

Also, why the hell would Europe be less advanced if it has more contacts with China and the like?

The question is would this increased contact diffuse knowledge? The Chinese for a while are likely to just trade to the native Malays or Indians, who would then trade through the Persians or Arabs. Might not the dispersion be different. One must also look at the institutions of Europe first, with a slower death of feudalism [in some places, the Netherlands is to cool assuming it rises ;)], it won't have a banking sector past the system it had before, it won't have as much social mobility, it won't suffer from a labor/wages spike which drove an inventing/incorporation spree can you imagine an attempt to introduce labor saving devices in a still heavily populated Europe and the trouble/social discord that would cause? China in reverse.

I do still think the America's will fall, but the question is how far, how fast, how so and to whom.

A war spanning decades with a strong native resistance to a less determined or experienced or lucky foe might well see them crushed but still in a reasonable shape, it will also dictate a different approach to the situation. How fast will they be discovered, if the population drop has been endured, and the situation has begun to improve they will put up that much of a harder fight, sure they will fall but it will take decades instead of a few lucky strikes to decapitate them resistance will be that much fiercer. Do they fall to military conquest in a rapid series of strikes, or do they fall in a long slow campaign which might spawn splinters. Do they fall to a group which will occupy them, or coopt them or just leave them alone after they loot the place?

The last resort of the weak?

To that all I have to say is.... Masada
 
Consider this a draft of South East Asia, no I haven't done China, Korea or Japan yet up to 1390 yet suggestions are welcome.

Spoiler :
Temüjin a young Mongol boy, is killed in a fight by his half brother Behkter, aged 13. He would never seek revenge on those who killed his father, and who reduced his mother and

Jamuqa a contemporary of Temüjin is elected Gur Khan [Universal Ruler] by a Kurultai [assembly of Chiefs and Khans] in 1201. Jamuqa while a capable ruler finds himself unable to move past traditionalism or tribal rivalries or the endemic nepotism which dominate Mongol society. These leave the Gur Khan unable to embrace potential allies or to reconcile potential future foes. It also forces him to continue the appointment of leaders by seniority not by skill. This serves to weaken his hold as individual chiefs exercise significant power under his nominal auspices. This lack of reach by the Khan allows old ethnic tensions to simmer and threaten to break out at every moment. These tensions manifest in a flurry of assassination and usurpation plots against the Gur Khan in the relative periods of quiet between campaigns against other tribes.

The Gur Khan having run out of further viable allies in Mongolia after seven years of struggle, with his own camp brewing with rebellion decides on a prudent course, a strike against his nearest Western neighbour the Xia. His army while still below what it could have been is still significant, one of the largest forces to be assembled in living memory some 30,000 men under arms. What is originally envisioned a means of getting loot to placate Chiefs, soon turns sour. The Gur Khan’s troops prove able enough to break the field armies of the Xia in a series of battles. They however find if difficult if not impossible to seize the cities. A combination of starvation, siege and storming destroy the remaining Xia population centres after four years. Even then a great many just surrender hoping for mercy, something the Gur Khan desperate for something to give his rapidly worsening army doesn’t grant. He sacks all the major population centres he can take.

Exhausted the Mongols decline to do anything further, two years of respite are finally broken by a new assassination plot against the Gur Khan. While the instigators are caught, the general malaise inside the camps has begun to grow again. The Khan fearing an impending coup again decides to begin a campaign. This time the Khans sights turn towards the Jin dynasty of northern China. The Jin remain unconcerned they believe the size of their armies are proof against any further attacks. 1214 would mark the beginning of another unspectacular campaign into the Jing by the Mongols. Initial success in attracting dissident Khitan and Jurchen rebels only compound the ethnic tensions and general dissatisfaction of the Khans army. It would be a long two years before the western capital of the Jin Empire falls to the Khans forces. Celebration amongst the troops is rapidly gives way to rage as the Khan distributes the bulk of the loot to his own relatives and the closest of his supporters, a large portion of his minor allies and less than trustworthy allies are given the dregs of the considerable loot. This act of largesse backfires as many inside the Khan’s camp go from simmering discontent to outright rebellion. This is immediately announced by a further assassination attempt on the Khan followed by an outright attack against his some of his key followers. Only carefully negotiation resulting in the Khan taking the wife of a prominent dissident and the divestment of a significant part of his own booty allays his allies.

The situation is avoided in the next year, when the eastern capital of the Jin falls to the Khans forces. It is only after the distribution of booty goes without issue that many of the Khan’s once allies announce they are returning home, content with the booty collected and openly contemptuous of the Khan’s ability to achieve anything further. They would be proved partially wrong the next year, with the central capital falling to the Khan after a heavy fight, it is during this battle that a number of key supporters of the Khan are killed. The replacements newly divested of a close relationship with the Khan and flush with loot increasingly abandon the Khans forces to return home. This would prove slightly premature with the Khans much reduced forces finally subduing the bulk of the Jin after almost a further decade of fighting. The Gur Khan settles into his new land, absolutely ruined by almost two decades of war, with a barbarian for a ruler.

In the last years of the Khans life, he sends his sons with a newly swelled host of troops against the Goryeo dynasty of Korea, after having manifestly failed to dent the Song in a series of battles at the Yangtze. The length of the country is ravaged, but the Mongols found themselves unable to take anything tangible. The assault is seen off, but at significant material damage to the country. The Koreans continue to fight against the Mongols for a decade, till 1238 when they accepted vassalage to the new dynasty. The Xia and Koreans would attempt to free themselves in the chaos of succession after the original Khans death. The Xia would be partially successful with the new Monarch relying heavily on the new ethnically Xia elites support for his throne. The state would only retake Korea after great losses and the burning of the Korean capital and another campaign of 10 years taking till 1249. The Song Empire had long since ceased to regard the north as a threat after completely eclipsing it in terms of power and wealth.

This weakness to the north would greatly empower the Song, who found themselves without significant threat on any of their borders. This would be manifested in an ambitious projection of power on the sea. This would have two distinct children. The first would be the increasing ubiquity of Chinese vessels operating in Śrīvijayan waters in and around the straits of Melaka. This continued flow of shipping would eventually weaken the internal bounds of the loose confederation. As polities increasingly came to rely not on the traditional sites of Śrīvijayan primacy, Jambi or Palembag for guidance but increasingly on the continued traffic through of the foreign merchants through the straits who had begun to outcompete the local merchants. The Śrīvijayan began to re-orientate and contract in influence towards the straits. As successive peripheral regions shied off the bonds of the dominant hegemons as the confederation became increasingly irrelevant. The second would be the enlargement of the fleet by the ministers of Emperor Lizong Thi who recognized the critical importance that Śrīvijayan had for the Song both in terms of revenue and as an increasingly rare ally in the region. A policy of increasing naval Song patrols began in the early years of Emperor Duzong reign by his Ministers into the region to safeguard trade routes which were increasingly being raided by pirates. This would further weaken the Śrīvijayan which would have no single reason to unite around a city to provide security with the Song providing it. An invasion by the Singhasari of Śrīvijayan in 1288 in the early years of the young Emperor Duānzōng would trigger a response from the Song who would deploy forces to actively assist the Śrīvijayan. This new relationship between protector and servant would be sealed with expanded oaths of loyalty to the Emperor from many cities. The weakness of the Śrīvijayan was illustrated in the same decade when Song forces drove the Khmer from the Malaysian Peninsula adding cities to the now Song dominated Śrīvijayan and taking a limited number for themselves.

The Singhasari themselves residents of central and eastern Java would control Bali, Madura, western and northern Borneo and settle as far west as Irian Jaya before the end of the decade. Their loss to the Song would force them to accept nominal suzerainty, but they would more or less ignore them categorically for that same decade. This lack of further interest in Śrīvijayan, dominated as it was primarily by its agricultural base as opposed to trade dominated coastal entrepots. It would have few coastal entrepots, being unable to use its influence to gain control of the straits or to expand into a position to possibly gain control of the straits stymied as it was by Song forces. The Singhasarai Kingdom would fall apart in 1292 with the murder of the King by a vassal. A decade of war would break out as Kěrtarājasa would fight with his father-in-laws murder, eventually successful he would found the Majapahit dynasty. This war would firmly cement the dynasties domination of all of Java proper as many of those who had opposed him had been killed freeing up territory to install his allies. Java would provide a strong base for the recapture of all that his father-in-law had controlled, his ambition would come to symbolize nusantatra in the minds of future Javanese symbolising the idea of a Javanese dominated archipelago. The Majapahit unable to expand to the west into the Song backed Śrīvijayan would continue to expand north and east eventually incorporating the Celebes and Sumbawa by 1310 although never firmly or fully.

A young prince of the Majapahit would eventually rise to control the colonies in Irian Jaya and would oversee there steady expansion. These colonies would see a slow diffusion of agriculture and the advanced practices of the colonists into the local population. This would set off a series of major tribal and clan wars, as factions would use the more advanced weapons and armour of the new comers against traditional rivals. Immediately this would make a consolidation of the spur on the east of the vast island possible, and eventually allow a slow expansion down the western coast. These events would in the coming 50 years see the foundation of the first proto kingdoms of native Papuans, as traditional enemies wiped each other out and freed up land which further fuelled a population boom encouraged by the introduction of more effective sedentary farming practices. Mixed into this was the slow growth in Malay merchants now becoming common looking to expand away from the Chinese dominated markets to the west.

For the next 90 years Śrīvijayan cities would become increasingly marginalized by the Song through a long campaign of competitively reducing the rates paid on cargo in a “race to the bottom”. In a climate of inability, with Song cities increasingly coming to dominate the Malay entrepots both in terms of trade and population both Song and Malay the first salvo against the real masters would begin. When in Palembang in 1390 a young prince Malay prince Paramenśvara would rebel on behalf of his now deteriorating city long past its prime. This would mark a period of intense fighting between southern and western Sumatran polities which would maintain Song support. The western polities would win a series of naval battles and eventually rout an army of primarily Song allies, in the same year. The Palembang Kingdom would be left by the Song to rule the southern part of Sumatra after accepting nominal suzerainty.

The Đai Việt would under their King Trần Thái Tông achieve a period of relative prosperity, briefly punctuated by raids against the Champa. This was driven home when the Champa capital was burned down for the third time, in a move clearly a symbolic gesture to link the new with the old preceding Lý dynasty. This would be followed up by a brief but vigorous campaign overland against the Champa would briefly bring the north of that area under Đai Việt control only to be shrugged over a decade later. By 1258 with the death of Thái Tông and the assumption of the throne by Thánh Tông an able general a further campaign was mounted against the Champa eventually ending up in the successful incorporation of the northern parts of that semi-Kingdom. He also campaigned unsuccessfully against the Kingdom of Dali to its north, being thrown back heavily and having to fight a revolt in the Champa parts of his kingdom. Later in life he would mount one more campaign against the mountain dwelling people to his west which would be wildly successful and open up new markets for the Đai Việt. The last years of his reign would be taken up with the re-ordering of his Kingdom, to further shore up the dynasty he advanced the exam system used for recruitment of officials to a Song standard and even invited Song officials to his court. He would also pen some of the greatest poetry of the Đai Việt increasingly in Song styles. Many of his officials began to ape Song fashions, mannerisms and increasingly speech. This would provoke trouble with the local elites which would simmer till his abdication in 1279 to become a Buddhist monk. His relative Nhân Tông would inherit a court heavily influenced by the Song, which included a large number of Sinicised courtiers, ministers and officials. Nhân Tông would because of his upbringing by these same officials continue the process and even eventually adopt some Song mannerisms. He further advanced the process of ordering the realm borrowing heavily from the Song to create a code of laws and to further expand the system of exams to encompass a larger part of his population.

The Sinicism of the court would not follow on into the general population, it became increasingly difficult for the succeeding Trần dynasty members to maintain control over a populace which tended to look down on their foreign affections. The effect was also damaging on the regimes ability to hold the more distant members of its own clan in order. Increasingly the traditional Trần affection of appointing clan members to regional posts began to fall apart as the Kings could no longer be sure of their own kin’s loyalty after a series of rebellions erupted after the abdication of Nhân Tông in 1293. In place of relatives the Kings would appoint exam tested officials to run key institutions, a practice which would eventually accelerate. This would begin a period of civil troubles at home which would consume the still Sinicizing court till the end of the Trần in 1369. A prolonged civil war broke out with the Ho clan of Ho Quy Ly gaining control of the throne just in time to have to face the Champa King Che Bong Nga’s invasion of the Đai Việt. Damaged by the steady decline of the Tran dynasty and the collapse of the infrastructure and the economy which mirrored the kingdom Ho gained was on the verge of disaster. Ho was also detested by his own subjects for his harshness and autocratic manner, and was utterly hated by the court and the officials for his rustic nature at odds with the sophisticated Sinicised court. Having driven off Che Bong Nha’s invasion by 1380 he faced another civil war as his own officials and many of his supporters rebelled against him. The court placed his nephew on the throne, and had him plead with the Song for assistance. They granted it begrudgingly in exchange for him accepting vassalage. In two years the resistance crumbled against this new Trần rule collapsed and Ho found himself unable to rule as he was effectively marginalized by the professional bureaucrats backed with Song arms. Trần Phế Đế had been impotent enough in the first instance to allow Ho’s rise. He proved to be little better than a puppet for the Sinicised Song backed court officials to control.

Pagan continued a general period of decline marked by the establishment of a Mon Kingdom at Pegu in 1281, with a King appearing around Arakan around that same time. The Kingdom received only a small number of Shan fleeing the Đai Việt invasion of The Kingdom of Dali around 1260. They would steadily integrate into the Kingdoms populace and government increasingly weakened by the monkhood’s control of the land. Shan chiefs would eventually with the connivance of the monarchy overthrow the prominent place that the monkhood had previously held sometime around the turn of the century. This would lead to the eventual downfall as Pagan as anything but a political centre, with individual Shan chiefs ruling in the Kings stead. Steadily the Shan would build up a base of power at Ava but that would take some time to mature. Pagan became more or less divided between Pegu, Shan states including Ava, Toungoo and to round out the mix Proome. Rising not far from Pagan was the embryonic Kingdom of Ayutthaya.


I would also note, that writing a TL is fun and is a very good aid to possible subjects at learned institutions. :)

Final note: 1390 is an arbitrary date to wind up the first section of my TL, end date still unknown, suggestions also welcome.
 
Quick question:
Let's say that at the Battle of Lützen (1632) Pappenheim had failed to arrive (the courier carrying the note from Wallenstein got... struck by a rooftile). Other from depriving us from an idiom I can't resist but smile at every time I hear it, it would've allowed Stalhandske's cavalry to continue their rampage through Wallenstein's rear. Ultimately, this would've led to a much greater Swedish victory, and much more importantly wouldn't have led to Adolphus's death. Instead of falling apart, the Protestant allies would've continued beating the Hapsburgs in campaign after campaign (we could even make Wallenstein die at Lützen). Now, my question is: could have anything come out of Adolphus's ambitious plans to become Holy Roman Emperor and unite the Holy Roman Empire and Sweden in this TL?
 
This sounds like the question that das used to start not one, but two of his alternate histories. (Admittedly, one of them was a Guess-the-PoD map, which led to NES2 V; the other is a TL of his, which can be accessed in the TL repository.)
 
This sounds like the question that das used to start not one, but two of his alternate histories. (Admittedly, one of them was a Guess-the-PoD map, which led to NES2 V; the other is a TL of his, which can be accessed in the TL repository.)

My question? That's cool; so what did das decide would've happened? (or actually I'll just look at NES2 V)
Wait, TL repository? Do we seriously have one, as in a compilation of various interesting ATLs?
 
It's in my sig, under 'list of published alternate history works'. :p
 
It's in my sig, under 'list of published alternate history works'. :p

Thank you so much; and Symph, thank you too for working on that project if you read this.
 
Retroactive deletion.
 
Ah, I've been following that. It's a shame that real Paradox games aren't quite as awesome, event- and timeline flexibility-wise.
 
Keeping in mind that I am still (slowly) writing the Titanomachia...I want to do something interesting with the Bogomils. Anybody got an idea or three?
 
The Bulgarian tsars flirted with that movement every now and then, especially the ones that needed to rally popular support against the Byzantine Empire. Maybe have a tsar go the whole distance (i.e. make Bogomilism the state religion) and survive at that?

You could also have a more successful Bogomil peasant uprising; it probably won't have any lasting conquests for the religion, but it should screw over Bulgaria nicely (a la Poland 1034).
 
I just want to put forth an opinion for the thought of people in alternative history. Basicallly the influence of the decisions made upon literature, music, and religion. For example, anyone who'd look at the history of modern popular music has to look at slavery in the United States as its origins. A lot of NESers in alternative history NESes seem to ignore this, cause a lot of changes could be made even in the short time span of the twentieth century.

Therefore i put before you a challenge to consider music and literary effects in alternative history as well as the usual political implications. Culture often dictates society's choices, and cannot be ignored.
 
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