NedimNapoleon
Weird Little Human
Happy Birthday Based Assad.
You can quite happily say that the Nazis were the aggressors without also saying that Britain, France etc were bastions of freedom and liberty. This entire discussion is just such a load of .
He is merely stating that a blanket "aggression is bad, defence is good" statement about war is unsupportable, as in most conflicts both sides feel themselves to be acting defensively, either of themselves or of others.
I don't think it's as unambiguous as you assert. From the German perspective, they were merely re-acquiring rightful German territory, and who is to say that they were not?
What's the difference, in strictly "objective" terms, between German troops rolling into Warsaw and Russian troops rolling into Berlin?
In both cases, two states quarrel about the exercise of political power, and the one with more and better guns turns out to be correct.
Yes.It is clear, no? Global economy. That is not stable when people decide to make a living at fighting internal conflicts.
The utter lack of either will or ability to understand TraitorFish's point in this thread is mind-boggling. He's not an apologist for Nazi Germany, nor WWII. He is merely stating that a blanket "aggression is bad, defence is good" statement about war is unsupportable, as in most conflicts both sides feel themselves to be acting defensively, either of themselves or of others. Even the Nazis believed they were acting defensively. Therefore, a blanket statement in favour of self-defence and denouncing aggression is too general and simplistic to be of any use.
From the German perspective, they were merely re-acquiring rightful German territory, and who is to say that they were not?
Quoting this because it's just frigging obvious, and the two of us shouldn't have needed to waste multiple pages explaining it."Aggression" and "defence" aren't the empirical categories you're posing them as, Defiant. They are necessarily constructed within the terms of a specific narratives, most usually an ideological one. We call the Nazi invasion of Poland "aggressive" because we subscribe to the belief that the Polish state wielded territorial sovereignty over the area in question, and the invasion represented a breach of that sovereignty. The Nazis, in contrast, maintained that the territory was and remained German, and that the Poles were an illegitimate occupying force, so their invasion was of an essentially defensive nature.
You may argue that one narrative is more legitimate than the other. Certainly you might argue that one is more benign, and the other more harmful. But looked at with a realistic eye, they are both just stories, neither describing any empirical reality. The justification for one narrative over another cannot then derive from the narrative itself, any more than we can derive the accuracy of the Bible from the Bible itself. But in uncritically reproducing the Allied narrative, that is exactly what you are suggesting we do.
I don't suppose to judge whether Robert Bruce or John Balliol was the rightful king of Scots. I might discuss how their respective cases appeared to their contemporaries, I might asses the strength of their cases judged in the legal contexts of the their times, I might judge the morality of the actions they took within that context. But I would not be so presumptuous as to say that one or the other was right, to suppose that it is any of my business as the historical observer to legislate in the affairs of Medieval warlords. So why would I think the same here?
I'm not arguing that the Nazis were morally justified in what they did, even within the terms of their own narrative. They were, of course, wrong. But that conclusion can't be derived from an ideological narrative. That is what I am driving at.
If you didn't write unhistorical garbage, maybe the "WH crew" wouldn't consistently cut your posts to pieces? The Nazis were barely fascist, and their obsession with lebensraum was ideological, not economical (excepting perhaps Goering). Hitler's understanding of economics, if he can be said to have understood it at all, was of a mercantilist nature. Most of the Nazis didn't understand economics on even a basic level, and those that did, like Schacht, were barely Nazis at all.
When you look at it, there are significant differences between Italian Fascism and Nazism -to say nothing of the differences between Nazis and the more 'traditional' fascists like the Brazilian Integralists."Nazis barely fascist..." Good one. If that is the current WH consensus, then I weep for your collective naivete.
since the current US fascist system is run by bankers, who know nothing about the economy
They are not the same, but I'd say former is a subdivision of latter. Nazism and fascism have too many things in common, to say they are very different. Both are far-right ideologies, with similar principles (chauvinism and xenophobia, militarism, anti-communism, totalitarianism to name a few)Nazism and fascism are very different things.
We're not saying they're empirical categories, merely that they are not entirely, inherently and necessarily subjective categories. We simply don't require things to be empirical categories for us to make judgements on them. I can say that I love my mum even though "love" isn't an empirical category. Sure, you can probably measure responses in your brain when you hug your mum inside an MRI scanner or whatever, but (a) I don't do that, and (b) I don't need to do that, in order to say with 100% confidence that I love my mum. And other people can recognise that love when they see it: they can see me behaving in a certain way, a way that is consistent with what we call love, and they can correctly recognise that I do, in fact, love my mum."Aggression" and "defence" aren't the empirical categories you're posing them as, Defiant. They are necessarily constructed within the terms of a specific narratives, most usually an ideological one. We call the Nazi invasion of Poland "aggressive" because we subscribe to the belief that the Polish state wielded territorial sovereignty over the area in question, and the invasion represented a breach of that sovereignty. The Nazis, in contrast, maintained that the territory was and remained German, and that the Poles were an illegitimate occupying force, so their invasion was of an essentially defensive nature.
You may argue that one narrative is more legitimate than the other. Certainly you might argue that one is more benign, and the other more harmful. But looked at with a realistic eye, they are both just stories, neither describing any empirical reality. The justification for one narrative over another cannot then derive from the narrative itself, any more than we can derive the accuracy of the Bible from the Bible itself. But in uncritically reproducing the Allied narrative, that is exactly what you are suggesting we do.
I don't suppose to judge whether Robert Bruce or John Balliol was the rightful king of Scots. I might discuss how their respective cases appeared to their contemporaries, I might asses the strength of their cases judged in the legal contexts of the their times, I might judge the morality of the actions they took within that context. But I would not be so presumptuous as to say that one or the other was right, to suppose that it is any of my business as the historical observer to legislate in the affairs of Medieval warlords. So why would I think the same here?
I'm not arguing that the Nazis were morally justified in what they did, even within the terms of their own narrative. They were, of course, wrong. But that conclusion can't be derived from an ideological narrative. That is what I am driving at.
Oh, of course. I was not implying fascism was a cookie-cutter system eidetically transferable from one country to another.When you look at it, there are significant differences between Italian Fascism and Nazism -to say nothing of the differences between Nazis and the more 'traditional' fascists like the Brazilian Integralists.
Remember that Fascism is all about loyalty to the nation, with in theory a revolutionary disregard for the established classes. Nazism -especially after the Night of the Long Knives- had ditched all pretenses to having a revolutionary disregard for social classes. (Indeed, as far as I am aware, the 'ideal Nazi social construct' was based around everyone staying in their class and be happy there.)
The Berliner joke in the thirties went:Nazis, as I'm sure we are all aware, was essentially based around the idea of Aryan superiority and their need to unify the Aryans against the Judeo-Bolshevik Space Lizard Illuminati threat. Germany may have been the homeland of the Aryans, but in the Nazi worldview that didn't mean Swedes would have made any poorer Nazis.
We're not saying they're empirical categories, merely that they are not entirely, inherently and necessarily subjective categories. We simply don't require things to be empirical categories for us to make judgements on them. I can say that I love my mum even though "love" isn't an empirical category. Sure, you can probably measure responses in your brain when you hug your mum inside an MRI scanner or whatever, but (a) I don't do that, and (b) I don't need to do that, in order to say with 100% confidence that I love my mum. And other people can recognise that love when they see it: they can see me behaving in a certain way, a way that is consistent with what we call love, and they can correctly recognise that I do, in fact, love my mum.
We can do the same with aggression. We can recognise behaviours exhibited by one party or another that are more or less consistent with what we call aggression. Now, you're trying to tell me that I can't recognise anything or anyone as an aggressor, nor a defender. This is not true. I mean, you said earlier that you think the Nazis were wrong to call themselves the defenders of Germany. That's a judgement on whether or not they were, in fact, defenders. You've just told me that, in your view, the Nazis were not defenders; if I pushed you hard enough, I'm sure you would agree that the Nazis were, in this case, the aggressors. You can quibble and say that it wasn't as unambiguous as I assert, but "not as unambiguous as you assert" is a bloody long way from "not true".
I don't think that you can say about them being very different things. It was quite easy for Italian fascism to "nazi-fy" itself by focusing on race, and modern neo-nazi movements liberally mix historical Nazi and Fascist ideologies in their manifestos. Respectable academic luminaries like Roger Griffin, acknowledging the difference between the two ideologies, still largely treat them as belonging to the same genus.Nazism and fascism are very different things. That's the current historical consensus.
Emphasis on "theory". In fact, this very formulation - claiming to eliminate class divisions in favour of national unity - comfortably leads to "everyone staying in their class and be happy there". Any kind of class struggle inevitably disrupts the national harmony, after all. Mussolini and his blackshirts were disgusted with the Italian "Red Years" and engaged in vigilantism against the left forces.Remember that Fascism is all about loyalty to the nation, with in theory a revolutionary disregard for the established classes.
Both historical Nazis and those who claim ideological descent from them today constantly straddle between "Aryan internationalism" and assertions that their own nation is the creme of Aryan whiteness, the highest of the highest. No surprise here.Nazis, as I'm sure we are all aware, was essentially based around the idea of Aryan superiority and their need to unify the Aryans against the Judeo-Bolshevik Space Lizard Illuminati threat. Germany may have been the homeland of the Aryans, but in the Nazi worldview that didn't mean Swedes would have made any poorer Nazis.