Plotinus, what are your thoughts on this theory?
Specifically: do you think that it can accurately relate to how Christianity became so pervasive, as opposed to any of the minor Jewish messianic cults that preceded it?
Without knowing much about the sociology of religion, I'd say it seems a plausible general claim. Certainly in times of uncertainty and social breakdown people do look for new movements offering new answers and certainties - just look at the association of extremist political movements with such periods in history.
I'm not sure it makes great sense as an explanation for the rise of Christianity. It rather depends on when you're talking about. If you mean in a first-century context, then within Judaism there was obviously tremendous upheaval, and this upheaval saw Judaism being effectively consolidated and re-invented in two main new forms, namely rabbinic Judaism and Christianity. But this was pretty much forced on them given the destruction of the Temple. Also, of course, it's uncertain just how Jewish Christianity was after the first generation.
In the subsequent centuries I can't really see grounds for attributing the rise of Christianity to the collapse of civilisation. There was a sense in some quarters that the world was old and dying and that civilisation was in decline, particularly in the third century; you get this idea in some of Cyprian's letters. And of course there was a serious crisis in the Roman empire at this time, which saw among other things half of the western empire splitting away temporarily. However, I don't think there's much evidence that this period saw an increase in interest in Christianity. If anything, Christianity did its most important growth in the first and second centuries and then stagnated in the third, before enjoying more explosive growth in the fourth and fifth centuries after its adoption by the imperial government.
So overall I suppose I'd say I disagree with the quotation as an explanation for the rise of Christianity, though it may be generally true.
And sorry to resurrect this old argument, but your explanation no longer makes sense to me now that I've went over it again.
Well, yeah, but I'm not doing it without good reason. Empirical evidence (e.i. neuroscience) suggests that beauty, as human perceive it in everyday life, is a mental construct. So, if the idea of God depends upon similar primitive anthropomorphisms, then it isn't any more
intellectually respectable than the Law of Attraction.
I don't know what empirical evidence you're referring to or how it undermines a non-naturalistic explanation for aesthetics, so it's hard to respond to this. At any rate, it's not about anthropomorphism, it's about explanation. To say that the beauty of a piece of art derives ultimately from the divine form of Beauty itself isn't really an anthropomorphism, it's an attempt to explain why we consider some things beautiful. And I agree that it's probably not a very good explanation. Even so, I don't think that the concept of God depends on or derives from it. I'm sure there are many people who don't agree with such a view but who still believe in God.
Taken to a logical endpoint, this would result in solipsism. What could be more personal that?
I don't see why that would lead to solipsism. Swinburne just thinks that to say something happened
because a person caused it is, other things being equal, simpler than saying that something happened
because things other than persons caused it. He also thinks that God is a very simple being (even compared to other persons), and therefore that saying that God did something is an intrinsically very simple hypothesis. Since he also believes that simpler explanations are to be preferred to complex ones, other things being equal, he concludes that "God did it" is (sometimes) a good explanation. Now there are all kinds of problems with this chain of reasoning, but I don't see how any of it relates to solipsism, which is the withdrawal into oneself and failure to interact with others.
And besides, what are we to make of Aristotle and his belief that things fell towards the Earth because they wanted to? A prime example of an anthropomorphic theory that was later replaced by a non-anthropomorphic theory.
As Flying Pig said, Aristotle didn't really think that. But even if he had, what would it show? It would show that people have sometimes appealed to personal explanations and they were, on those occasions, wrong to do so. It wouldn't show that it's generally wrong to appeal to personal explanations. E.g. right now I'm assuming that the words I see on this very forum have been typed by various persons, and not simply come together through the operation of impersonal forces. That is a reasonable assumption to make and (very probably) the correct explanation.
Firstly, concerning their Manicheans, I'm aware of their possible influence on "heretical" Christian groups such as the Cathars and Bogomils (I've done a research paper on the Manicheans, though focusing mainly on Manicheism in East Asia, so I'm not too knowledgeable on their European counterparts), but what influence, if any, did they have on mainstream Christian groups, including the big three Catholic, Orthodox, and Protestants?
I think they may have had some influence on Nestorian Christianity. Christianity and Manicheism were closely associated in central Asia, where they spread along the trade routes into China and mingled with Buddhism. But this is a subject about which I know very little.
Their influence on western Christianity is, I think, minimal. I would guess that the main influence, such as it is, would be via Augustine, who famously was a Manichean for some years before returning to Christianity and writing a series of works against the Manicheans. Some have argued that despite his rejection of their ideas, they still influenced key elements of his theology, particularly his strong sense of original sin and inherited guilt, which is in some ways reminiscent of the Manichean notion of the substantial reality of evil. I don't know how plausible this interpretation is. Certainly Augustine's understanding of original sin was stronger than was usual at the time, but it can also be seen to have precedents in other Christian authors such as Ambrose and Ambrosiaster.
So, basically, the answer is that I don't really know, but I don't think there was much influence.
Secondly, I am not too well-read in the Bible, but could reincarnation/rebirth be justified somehow, from the Bible? Or, perhaps, have there been passages in the Bible some have used to argue that the Bible says reincarnation/rebirth is a thing?
I don't know of any passages that have been used in this way, at least not classically. Certainly there was some belief in reincarnation in the early church, most famously in the case of Origen (though what he believed wasn't really quite like what people mean by "reincarnation" today). I would say that Revelation 21:1 is perhaps the closest passage, stating that there will be "a new heaven and a new earth". Origen seems to have taken this claim literally to mean that there will be a new universe, in which everyone will live again; followed by another one, in which everyone will live again; and so on through innumerable ages until it all finally ends. However, I don't know whether Origen specifically appealed to this verse in support of this idea, and indeed it's not certain precisely what Origen believed on this score anyway. It's possible to interpret Origen in a much more traditionally orthodox way than is usual (Henri Crouzel does, as I recall, even arguing that Origen didn't believe in universal salvation).
Thirdly, I am sure you've heard of the so-called Gospel of Judas. Is it really a thing? How important is it, in regards to interpreting Judas?
Yes, it is a thing.
Irenaeus mentions a lost gospel of this name. A gnostic gospel of the same name was discovered and published to great fanfare about ten years ago; whether it's the same book that Irenaeus talked about is uncertain. Either way, it's a gnostic work that gives us more information about gnosticism in perhaps the third century (as I recall, there isn't much in there that can't be found in other gnostic texts, other than the focus on Judas). It doesn't tell us anything about the historical Judas - it's far too late and obviously legendary.
It follows a fairly standard genre in gnostic writings, which is a "gospel" that actually consists of Jesus giving esoteric teachings to one or more selected disciples, who will transmit this secret knowledge to their followers, distinct from the exoteric teachings given to the rest of the disciples which will be transmitted to the unwashed masses. Different gnostic groups seem to have identified with different disciples. The choice of Judas in this case is rather unusual, but perhaps makes a sort of sense, given that he is the obvious "outsider" among the disciples in the usual narrative.
Fourthly, do you know how the historical Nestorian Church (in Central and East Asia) might have been influenced by eastern religions and thought, such as the big three of China, i.e. Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism? I am vaguely aware that Nestorian Christianity in China, for instance, was often expressed in terms familiar to the Chinese (such as calling Christian religious text sutras), not too different from what the Manicheans did, but I'm not aware of any influence beyond that.
Here again I don't know much about it, and indeed very little is known of Nestorianism in China anyway. I found a paper by Hans-J. Klimkeit ("Buddhists and Manichaeans in medieval central Asia",
Buddhist-Christian Studies 1: 46-50, 1981 - available on JSTOR) which gives some information on this question. He says that Nestorian Christianity did indeed express itself in terms drawn from Chinese Buddhism, but that it seems not to have actually changed its doctrines. In particular, Christianity retained a strong doctrine of physical resurrection, and continued to emphasise it despite being criticised for it in Buddhist writings.
Klimkeit says:
Hans-J. Klimkeit said:
The Christian documents from Central Asia reveal two basic trends. On the one hand there is an interpretatio buddhistica, an increasing attempt to adapt to Buddhist terminology. Such adaptations go to such an extent in the case of Chinese Nestorian documents that the distinction between both religions is almost blurred. The Christian texts in Chinese call themselves Sutras and they employ the imagery and the notions of Mahayana texts almost to the point of losing their identity. Yet on the other hand basic articles of faith are never relinquished, such as the belief in the corporeality of the Christ and the belief in the resurrection. Especially the last idea, so foreign to both Buddhism and Gnostic Manichaeism, is emphasized repeatedly. In the Sogdian Christian documents this notion comes to the fore. In the Sogdian text C6 from Turfan, St. George, the Christian opponent of the Buddhists, is rebuked with the words: "He brings before us (demon)-like men, and he says, 'I have resurrected the dead.'"...
...the concept of the resurrection of the saviour from hell remains foreign to Buddhist imagery which utilizes other notions of redemption. But so central was the belief on the part of the Christians, that the Nestorians, even in formulating the core of their faith in Sino-Buddhist terms, laid heavy emphasis on renewed corporeal life. Thus in the Jesus-Messiah-Sutra ("Hsu-t'ing Messiah Sutra") the Lord of Heaven (Hsii-po Jehova) is described and the life story of Jesus is related. The description of his death makes it clear that at that time "the graves were opened and men received life."
He goes on to say that Manicheism was rather different, in that the Manichean texts not only use Buddhist language and imagery but seem to adopt their ideas as well, to the extent that it can be hard to tell whether a text is Manichean or not.
This is something I'm hoping to look into a bit more in the next month or two, though (I'm putting together a course for next year in which I hope to touch on this area), so I'll see what more I can dig out!